GOVERNOR LEROY COLLINS OF FLORIDA: SPOKESMAN FOR THE NEW SOUTH, by Tom Wagy reviewed by Manning J. Dauer

HE-COON: THE BOB SIKES STORY, edited by Bobbye Sikes Wicke reviewed by D. R. "Billy" Matthews

THE MIAMI RIOT OF 1980: CROSSING THE BOUNDS, by Bruce Porter and Marvin Dunn reviewed by Robert P. Ingalls

MODERN FLORIDA GOVERNMENT, by Anne E. Kelley reviewed by Allen Morris

RAILS `NEATH THE PALMS, by Robert W. Mann reviewed by Herbert J. Doherty, Jr.

GEORGE WASHINGTON, A BIOGRAPHY, by John R. Alden reviewed by Aubrey C. Land

THE PAPERS OF HENRY CLAY, VOLUME 8, CANDIDATE, COMPROMISER, WHIG, MARCH 5, 1829-DECEMBER 31, 1836, edited by Robert Seager II reviewed by Edwin A. Miles

NO CHARIOT LET DOWN: CHARLESTON'S FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR ON THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR, edited by Michael P. Johnson and James L. Roark reviewed by Theodore Hemmingway

A WOMAN DOCTOR'S CIVIL WAR: ESTHER HILL HAWKS' DIARY, edited by Gerald Schwartz reviewed by Joe M. Richardson

LAST TRAIN SOUTH: THE FLIGHT OF THE CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT FROM RICHMOND, by James C. Clark reviewed by William Warren Rogers

THE BOOKER T. WASHINGTON PAPERS, VOLUME 13: 1914-1915, edited by Louis R. Harlan and Raymond W. Smock reviewed by Thomas D. Clark

THE GREENING OF THE SOUTH: THE RECOVERY OF LAND AND FOREST, by Thomas D. Clark reviewed by Linda Vance

THE NEW DEAL AND THE SOUTH, edited by James C. Cobb and Michael V. Namorato reviewed by Thomas S. Morgan

RUNNING SCARED: SILVER IN MISSISSIPPI, by James W. Silver reviewed by Numan V. Bartley

AMBIVALENT LEGACY: A LEGAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTH, edited by David J. Bodenhamer and James W. Ely, Jr. reviewed by John W. Johnson

SWAMP WATER AND WIREGRASS: HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF COASTAL GEORGIA, by George A. Rogers and R. Frank Saunders, Jr. reviewed by Kenneth Coleman

On the morning of July 17, 1821, the inhabitants of Pensacola gathered around the town's public square to witness the ceremony marking the transfer of the Floridas from Spanish to American control. Among the new American residents in the crowd was Cary Nicholas, a thirty-four-year-old transplanted Kentuckian who, like so many others, saw in the territory the prospect for a new start in a life too full of disappointments and failures.

To the casual observer, however, disappointment and failure should never have been the pattern of Nicholas's life. Born into a distinguished Virginia family on October 26, 1786, he was blessed with the familial and political connections which should have assured his place among southern gentry.1 His grandfather, Robert Carter Nicholas, had served as Virginia's trea surer from 1766 to 1776, and had generally been recognized as one of the state's most important, if rather reluctant, revolutionary leaders. His father, George Nicholas, who moved to Ken tucky in 1788, had been an early hero in the War for Independence, a frequent member of the Virginia House of Delegates, a leading Federalist spokesman in Virginia's ratification convention, and the chief architect of Kentucky's 1792 constitution. Uncles scattered throughout Virginia, Maryland, and New York achieved distinction as Jeffersonian Republican lieutenants on the state and national levels, serving as governors, federal senators, and cabinet officers. Building from such an impressive

Dennis Golladay is professor of history and chairman of the Department of Liberal Arts, Pensacola Junior College. He wishes to thank Peter King for his assistance and Pensacola Junior College for a leave which helped fund the research.

1. Samuel Smith to [Wilson Cary Nicholas], November 6, 1806, Edgehill-Randolph Additional Papers, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville [hereinafter cited as ERA]. Although named after his uncle, Wilson Cary Nicholas, he was addressed throughout his life as Cary. base, Cary Nicholas could have been expected to assume a natural position as a political leader in his own right.2

Initially, the patterns of Cary Nicholas's life developed as expected. Following his father's death in 1799, he returned to Virginia to live in the household of his uncle, Wilson Cary Nicholas, where he received the same guidance and education as his cousins. Later, he was sent to Richmond to study law under the tutelage of another uncle, Philip Norborne Nicholas.3

Then cracks began to appear in the pattern. In the spring of 1807, bored with the study of law and restless under the control of his uncles, Nicholas sought their permission to return to Lexington, Kentucky, to establish his own law practice. His uncles, however, feared that their twenty-year-old nephew would be taking "a rash and precipitate step." His mother had died the previous year, and he would have no family guidance in his first faltering years of practice. Because his father's estate had been encumbered with over _ 22,000 of debts, he had virtually no inheritance to rely upon, and they also fretted that he might come under the influence of his elder brother Robert who was already displaying signs of dissipation. Cary was so earnest in his pleas, however, that they reluctantly agreed to allow him to try his hand.4

Unfortunately, Cary managed to live up to everyone's worst fears. In his first and only case at the August 1807 session of the Bourbon County court, he could not muster the nerve to address the court, and the case had to be turned over to another attorney. Living in his married sister's home in Lexington, he idled away his time reading novels, drinking, and gambling in the "public houses" of the town. Friends still tried to rescue him

2. For information on the Nicholases and their connections, see Dennis Golladay, "The Nicholas Family of Virginia, 1722-1820," (Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 1973).

3. Wilson Cary Nicholas to Samuel Smith, August 21, October 8, November 12, 1799, ERA; Joshua Fry to Wilson Cary Nicholas, February 17, 1802, A. W. Moore to Wilson Cary Nicholas, [May] 1802, Philip Norborne Nicholas to Wilson Cary Nicholas, July 19, 1806, Wilson Cary Nicholas Papers, University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville [hereinafter cited as WCN].

4. Cary Nicholas to Wilson Cary Nicholas, March 7, 1807, Samuel Smith to [Wilson Gary Nicholas], November 6, 1806, James Morrison to Wilson Cary Nicholas, February 8, 1807 [Account of Debts of George Nicholas Estate, 1799], ERA; Philip Norborne Nicholas to Wilson Cary Nicholas, July 19, 1806, WCN. from his dissipated life, arguing that with his Virginia education, he could quickly rise to the top of the legal profession if he only showed a little ambition and effort, but Cary responded that such an effort was not worth his trouble. "I am too much displeased to write on this subject with temper," concluded James Morrison, an old family friend and guardian of Cary's younger sisters, "and can only say never had a young man fairer prospects."5

Apparently, Cary saw no "fair prospects" in a profession which required of him exactly those qualities he did not possess-independence, initiative, discipline, and tenacity. Instead, he embraced the old dictum of errant sons of the gentry: when all else fails, fall back upon influence. One of his maternal uncles, Robert Smith, was Jefferson's secretary of the navy, so why not seek a naval appointment as a commissioned officer? Such an appointment would befit a young gentleman without demanding the self-generating energy necessary in law, or farming, or commerce. But unconvinced of his nephew's steadiness, Smith would not cooperate by delivering a naval commission for Cary as he had just done for Cary's younger brother George.6

Luckily, circumstances and influence combined to bring relief to the indolent young man and his exasperated relatives. Following the Leopard-Chesapeake affair in June 1807, President Jefferson convinced Congress to increase the size of the regular army from fewer than 3,000 men to approximately 10,000. An Act of April 12, 1808, authorized the creation of eight additional regiments, a move which opened a timely opportunity for young men seeking military commissions as the answer to personal failings and misfortunes. The circumstance having arrived, relatives and friends used their influence to procure a commission for Cary and "save him from ruin & disgrace." On May 3, 1808, he received his commission as a first lieutenant in the Seventh Infantry Regiment while his elder brother Robert was named a captain in the same unit.7

5. Morrison to Wilson Cary Nicholas, July 4, October 11, 1807, ERA; ibid., September 2, October 10, 1807, WCN.

6. Morrison to Wilson Cary Nicholas, October 11, 26, 1807, ERA; Edward William Callahan, ed., List of Officers of the Navy of the United States and of the Marine Corps from 1775 to 1900 (New York, 1901), 405.

7. Dumas Malone, Jefferson the President: Second Term, 1805-1809 (Boston, 1974), 516-19; Richmond Enquirer, August 9, 1808; Francis Bernard Despite all the good intentions, the army did not prove to be Nicholas's salvation, and he liked it no better than any other pursuit he had temporarily followed. Army life on frontier posts, border towns, and seaports was characterized by the boredom of routine, and a young bachelor's companions were most likely the very gamblers and drunkards that well-meaning friends had hoped he could avoid. Promotions and interesting duty were rare and infrequent, and although one had at least a steady though low income, peacetime army routine could not satisfy the itch for movement-any kind of movement-which seemed to afflict Nicholas. In the waning days of 1810, he flirted with the idea of abandoning the army in favor of practicing law either in his hometown of Lexington or in New Orleans, but a promotion to captain on March 1, 1811, persuaded him to remain a soldier a bit longer, and he was still in the army when the United States declared war against Great Britain in 1812.8

One might expect that the war would have provided a young officer such as Nicholas a splendid opportunity for combat experience, glory, and promotion, but the dissolute Kentuckian managed only the last. Through happenstance or design, he avoided involvement in any of the major campaigns or battles of the war but nonetheless received an appointment as assistant adjutant general for the New Orleans District in April 1813. Despite the convenient location of his office, he missed the Battle of New Orleans because he was nursing an accidental but severe ankle injury which had reduced him to "crutchery" and partially crippled him for life. After the war ended, he was promoted to the rank of major of the Fourteenth Infantry but seems to have spent most of his time on furlough at a Kentucky resort springs, ostensibly to restore his health. When Congress decided to reduce and reorganize the post-war military establishment, Nicholas tried to retain his commission, but the only letters of endorsement he could forward were lukewarm at best,

Heitman, ed., Historical Register of the United States Army from its Organization September 29, to March 2, 1903, 2 vols. (Washington, 1903), I, 746; Morrison to Wilson Cary Nicholas, September 9, 1813, WCN; B[uckner] Thruston to the Secretary of War [Henry Dearborn], April 16, 1808, Letters Received by the Office of the Adjutant General 1805-1821, microcopy M566, Roll No. 3, 10-23-1, National Archives, Washington [hereinafter cited as NA].

8. Morrison to Wilson Cary Nicholas, January 12, 1811. WCN; Heitman, ed., Historical Register, I, 746. and on June 15, 1815, he was officially discharged from the army.9

Whatever a military life might have done for Nicholas, it apparently did nothing to change his character as relatives and friends had once hoped. James Morrison still referred to him as a gambler and drunkard who would never again "tred the paths of honor and respectability." Unable to settle down to civilian life and with no reliable source of income, Nicholas merely drifted through the Southwest as a frontier ne'er-dowell. Fortunately, circumstances once again gave him a reprieve. A vacancy in the army's paymaster department had been created by the death of the battalion paymaster for the New Orleans District, and Nicholas successfully lobbied to replace him. He received his new appointment on February 17, 1817, with the privileges and salary of an infantry major.10 From the skimpy evidence available, Nicholas seems to have approached his new position with the same lack of attentiveness and responsibility which had always characterized his previous efforts, but he did take advantage of the chief asset the post offered, renewed contact with men of influence. The command of the Southern Divi sion of the army had been held by Andrew Jackson since the 1815 reorganization, and the general was well known for his willingness to reward loyal subordinates. Although never admitted to the inner circles of Jackson's closest friends, Nicholas nonetheless won Jackson's respect and became an intimate with the general's cronies throughout the Southern Division.11

9. Cary Nicholas to [the Adjutant General], May 24, 1813, Cary Nicholas to Gen. Thomas Flournoy, January 16, 1814, Cary Nicholas to Adjt. & lnspr. Genl. Office, February 19, 1815, Thomas Todd to [Adjutant General], March 15, 1815, and Joseph H. Hawkins to [Alexander] J. Dallas, March 21, 1815, Letters Received by the Office of the Adjutant General, 18051821, M566, 10-23-1, 1813/N-Pi, 1814/Mos-O, 1815/Mo-O, NA.

10. Morrison to Wilson Cary Nicholas, February 14, 1814, WCN; ibid., May 29, 1814, February 16, 1817, ERA; Lewis Sanders to [Wilson Cary Nicholas], June 26, 1814, WCN; [Richard M.] Johnson and Thomas Fletcher to George Graham, n.d., Letters Received by the Office of the Adjutant General, 1805-1821, M566, 10-23-1, 1814/Mos-O, NA; A Statement of the Officers Affected by the Act of 15th May 1820, Letters Received by the Secretary of War, Unregistered Series, 1789-1860, M222, 10-33-3, 1820/N-Y, P-1820, NA.

11. Andrew Jackson to John C. Calhoun, September 15, October 14, November 25, 30, 1820, in Robert L. Meriwhether, W. Edwin Hemphill, and Clyde N. Wilson, eds., The Papers of John C. Calhoun, 14 vols. (Columbia, 1959-1984), V, 355, 373, 395, 451, 459-62. Nicholas was still being hounded In the fall of 1820, however, Nicholas decided to resign his post as soon as his accounts could be settled, and he was honorably discharged on June 1, 1821. His second departure from the army was once again caused by necessity rather than whim. By 1820 Congress was clearly concerned about the expense of an army which it deemed too large for a peacetime establishment, and it had determined to reduce the size of the army to save money. The reduction plan debated in Congress envisioned not only the elimination of the Southern Division (and thereby Jackson's command), but also the discharge of officers rated as either "clearly inferior" or "mediocrities." While no one may have been so unkind as to rate Nicholas as inferior, few in strict conscience could have rated him as more than mediocre in "intelligence, habits, and military skills," the qualities listed as most vital for retention in the reduced army.12

Seeing the handwriting on the wall, Nicholas decided to make plans for a new position before his old one was officially eliminated. A number of positions as Indian agents were opening among the recently subdued tribes of the region, and Nicholas asked Jackson to recommend his appointment as agent to the Choctaws. Jackson already had another nominee in mind, but he did recommend Nicholas as a second choice, averring that he knew "of no man who would discharge the duties of this station with more fidelity." Nicholas did not get the position, but more than ever he saw Jackson as his key to the future.13

That future, Nicholas decided, lay in the Floridas. Portions of West Florida had been seized illegally by American settlers as early as 1810-1811 on the pretext that the land lay within the

by the treasury for discrepancies in his paymaster's accounts as late as 1826, Stephen Pleasanton to Cary Nicholas, April 10, 1826, and to Henry Hitchcock, April 10, 1826, Records of the Solicitor of the Treasury, Record Group 206, Letters on Debts and Suits, Letterbook No. 7, NA.

12. Rembert W. Patrick, Aristocrat in Uniform: General Duncan L. Clinch (Gainesville, 1963), 48; Robert V. Remini, Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Empire (New York, 1977), 400,402; Heitman, ed., Historical Register, I, 746.

13. Jackson to Calhoun, November 30, 1820, Meriwhether, Hemphill, and Wilson, eds., Papers of John C. Calhoun, V, 461. Nicholas's older brother Robert, who had resigned his army commission a year earlier, successfully sought a position as agent to the Chickasaws. He resigned the post in July 1823 under a cloud of embezzlement, and the government later prosecuted him for using over $35,000 of the stolen funds to purchase a Mississippi steamboat. Ibid., V, 314, 617; VI, 634, 729; VIII, 148-49, 178, 260-61; IX, 113, 497. boundaries of the Louisiana Purchase, and in February 1819, Secretary of State John Quincy Adams had negotiated with Spain the surrender of the remainder of the Floridas in the Adams-On_s Treaty. Jackson, who had twice invaded the Floridas, once in 1814 and again in 1818, was appointed governor of the new territory when it passed into American hands in 1821. Initially reluctant to accept the position despite the upcoming termination of his military career, Jackson was per suaded to change his mind by friends who would benefit from the offices and appointments they believed within his power to bestow. One of these friends was Cary Nicholas who had decided to establish a newspaper in the small town of Pensacola where Jackson would locate the temporary capital of the territory.14

The thirty-four-year-old Nicholas did not cut a very imposing figure when he arrived in Pensacola in the spring of 1821. Still a bachelor, and destined to remain one all his life, he most likely featured the typical physical traits of all the Nicholas males-short, fat, and balding. He still walked with a limp from his ankle injury of earlier years and was sometimes forced to rely upon a cane. An animated man, he was once depicted as "a brilliant talker and noted wit," although in the Southwest that could probably have been translated as fast-talking con artist. Like the rest of his kinsmen, he was "fond of changing," the trait that lay behind his move to Pensacola.15

Why Nicholas decided on Pensacola is easy to understand. Not only would the town be the center of Jackson's influence and many of Nicholas's acquaintances, but most Americans expected Pensacola to become a boom town and a financial bonanza. Never all that important or large during the colonial era, Pensacola boasted a fine harbor, and speculators could envision it first rivalling and then outstripping New Orleans as the premier port of the Gulf of Mexico. It was a town of chance

14. Remini, Andrew Jackson, 400; Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., Richard Keith Call, Southern Unionist (Gainesville,, 1961), 18; William F. Keller, The Nation's Advocate; Henry Marie Brackenridge and Young America (Pittsburgh, 1956), 253-54.

15. Hugh Blair Grigsby, The Virginia Federal Convention of 1788, 2 vols. (Richmond, 1890), I, 79; Robert Wickliffe [Sketch of the Life of George Nicholas], typescript, WCN; Sarah Nicholas to Jane Nicholas Randolph, January 14, 1819, ERA. with the prospect of large, fast gains for minimal investment, exactly the new, raw, undeveloped site of potential that made a gambler's pulse quicken.16

Why Nicholas chose to become a newspaper publisher is a bit more puzzling. He had absolutely no experience with publishing, printing, or writing and only the most casual knowledge of operating a business. Pensacola, however, had no newspaper or printing shop. In a town that was to become a seat of government, the sole printer could expect a monopoly on the printing of official documents and notices instead of having to rely exclusively on the revenues generated by subscriptions and adver tising. Not only would this arrangement provide a steady, guaranteed income, Nicholas believed, but the publisher would be in the center of all important activity within the communitypolitical and economic. That meant a situation ripe for advance ment and exploitation for a man with the proper connections in the right places, and in Pensacola, one could not have a more proper connection than Andrew Jackson.

Fortunately for Nicholas, he did not have to enter the newspaper publishing business alone. He formed a partnership with an experienced printer, twenty-seven-year-old George Brooke Tunstall of Nashville. Like Nicholas, Tunstall was Virginia-born but western-raised. He had learned the printing trade in the Nashville offices of his uncle Thomas Todd and had been copublisher of the Nashville Whig from 1817 until he began his association with Nicholas in 1821. Best of all, as a Nashville resident, Tunstall was well acquainted with Andrew Jackson and his entourage.17 Nicholas and Tunstall established their business in a rented building fronting the north side of the public square,

16. David Yancey Thomas, A History of Military Government in Newly Acquired Territory of the United States (New York, 1904; reprinted., 1967), 62; Jackson to John Donelson, July 3, 1821, in John Spencer Bassett, ed., Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, 7 vols. (Washington, 1926-1935), III, 88; affidavit of John Donelson, Jr., January 13, 1820, in ibid., III, 6.

17. James Owen Knauss, Territorial Florida Journalism (DeLand, 1926), 67; Douglas C. McMurtrie, "The Beginnings of Printing in Florida," Florida Historical Quarterly, XXIII (October 1944), 73-76; Clarence S. Brigham, History and Bibliography of American Newspapers, 1690-1820, 2 vols. (Worcester, MA, 1947), II, 1066; General Andrew Jackson in account Current with Jas. Jackson and Company, March 17, 1819, in Bassett, ed., Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, II, 412-14; Jackson to James Forbes, June 11, 1821, United States State Department Territorial Papers, Florida, 1777-1824, M116, 10-17-2, NA. waiting for several months until the printing press they had ordered from Philadelphia in April finally arrived in August. The first edition of their paper, the Pensacola Floridian appeared on Saturday, August 18, 1821.18

Yearly subscriptions for the weekly newspaper, whose sheets were dominated by advertising, were set at five dollars in advance. The ads may well have been the paper's most important service for the typical citizen. Not only could one read of ship arrivals and departures, goods for sale at local stores, taverns with accommodations and drink, opening of lawyers' offices, and real estate bargains, but he could also learn of the plays to be presented at the theatre, the latest works to be found at W. Hassell Hunt's bookstore, and the opening of a new school for Pensacola's youth. Following the practice of most small newspapers of the day, the Floridian might feature "a dearth of news" at times, but it never was lacking for advertisements.19

Perhaps just as important to local citizens as the advertisements were the official government decrees and ordinances printed in the paper. As expected, Nicholas and Tunstall had been appointed by Jackson as the first official printers of the territory, and much of their newspaper's space was devoted to this important duty. In addition to the newspaper coverage, their print shop also turned out official broadsides and publications of territorial laws. Because Florida was a bilingual society de facto if not de jure-many of these official columns and printings appeared in both Spanish and English.20

The firm of Nicholas and Tunstall voluntarily took on yet a third major role in the columns of the Floridian, that of self-annointed prophets, publicists, and promoters for the future of West Florida in general and Pensacola in particular. The very first issue of the paper castigated J. G. Forbes's Sketches Historical and Topographical of the Floridas for what the editors saw as ludicrously-inaccurate descriptions of Pensacola. The third issue carried a copy of a petition for the establishment of a branch of

18. Pensacola Floridian, August 18, 182 1, April 6, 1822; James Parton, The Life of Andrew Jackson, 3 vols. (New York, 1860), II, 603. See the map of Pensacola contained in John Lee Williams, A View of West Florida (Philadelphia, 1827).

19. Pensacola Floridian, August 18, September 8, 1821, February 4, April 6, 1822; Knauss, Territorial Florida Journalism, 20-21.

20. McMurtrie, "The Beginnings of Printing in Florida," 73-76. Also see extant issues of the Floridian, 1821-1823. the Bank of the United States in the town which they asserted "must soon assume the first rank among the commercial cities of the South." In subsequent issues, the editors endorsed the views of "A Satisfied Emigrant" who claimed that "Nature has done more for this city than any other on this continent" and argued that with a clever bit of canal construction, Pensacola would become the major deposit for the produce of interior America and the greatest port on the Gulf of Mexico. Even though Nicholas would agree with critics that Pensacola had its problems, he denied charges that it had a sickly climate, poor soil, and worthless harbor during the hurricane season. As for the people, he responded to one critic: "we do not consider there are more idiots in Pensacola than in other towns of the same population."21

In addition to these public duties of a small town newspaper, Nicholas and Tunstall could not forget the call of personal advancement. In a territory governed by a former military officer with near-dictatorial powers, prudence dictated that those interested in obtaining positions of power and pecuniary rewards support him openly and enthusiastically, especially when that figure was the temperamental Andrew Jackson. From the beginning of publication, therefore, the Floridian adopted a pro Jackson stance which was maintained well after Jackson's brief stay of eleven weeks in Pensacola.

A prime example was the position the Floridian followed in the feud which developed between the new governor, Andrew Jackson, and the former Spanish governor, Don Jos_ Callava, who had remained in Pensacola to wrap up unsettled affairs. When Callava refused to hand over to Jackson documents relating to the claims of Mercedes Vidal against the powerful mer chant John Innerarity, Jackson had the Spanish agent arrested and the papers seized. Callava was incensed over this highhanded treatment, but Jackson's wrath reached even higher levels when Callava's allies prevailed upon Judge Eligius Fromentin, a French-born former Jesuit priest and Monroe appointee, to issue a writ of habeus corpus for Callava's release, even though Fromentin did not have proper jurisdiction over the matter. True to character, Jackson ignored the writ and

21. Pensacola Floridian, August 18, September 1, December 10, 17, 1821, August 3, 10, 1822. gave the judge a tongue-lashing lecture on the proper outlines of judicial duty.22

Initially, the editors of the Floridian stated that they would do no more than print the facts of the incident which they felt exonerated the conduct of Jackson, but they did offer to print any statements that Callava or his friends wished to submit. However, in a town as small as Pensacola with more than its fair share of mercurial, explosive personalities, refraining from partisanship was neither possible nor always wise. Through Sep tember and October, the paper carried numerous articles, letters, and documents relating to the Callava affair and the Vidal Innerarity suit. Without fail, Jackson's decisions were supported.23

Even after Jackson left Pensacola early in October 1821 for Nashville, the ripples from the feud refused to calm. The Floridian continued to feature material exonerating Jackson and blasting Callava, Fromentin, and their associates. Jackson himself seemed especially bitter about Judge Fromentin, and as if on cue, Nicholas went after the besieged judge so vigorously that one correspondent wrote Jackson that Fromentin "rarely crawls out of his shell-the lashing given him by Nicholas a few weeks since I think has put him down forever, even in Pensacola." One trusts that the lashing was verbal rather than phys ical, although neither would have been out of place in a rather rough town caught in a period of transition.24

Still, with all the excitement in the bustling little town and the various services a pioneer paper could offer, the Floridian found survival difficult. With virtually no decent communication or transportation lines established overland, contact with the rest of the nation could be maintained only over long, timeconsuming water routes. Most supplies a printer needed had to

22. Marquis James, The Life of Andrew Jackson (Indianapolis, 1938) 321-27; Robert V. Remini, Andrew Jackson (New York, 1966), 88-89; Keller, The Nation's Advocate, 271-8 1.

23. Pensacola Floridian, September 1, 15, 22, 29, October 15, 1821.

24. Jackson to Richard Keith Call, November 15, 1821, in Bassett, Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, III, 131; George Walton to Jackson, December 10, 1821, in Clarence Edwin Carter, ed., Territorial Papers of the United States: Territory of Florida, 26 vols. (Washington, 1934-1962) XXII, 298-99. In late December 1821, Nicholas joined other Jackson men in Pensacola in a successful petition to President Monroe to replace Fromentin with Henry Marie Brackenridge. come from the northeast or middle Atlantic states, and they seldom arrived on time and sometimes not at all. In February and again in July of 1822, the editors had to suspend publication for several weeks because they had no paper. Nicholas explained that the Floridian, like most "infant establishments," was very poor and could not keep a large stock of supplies on hand because everything had to be paid for in cash.25

The Floridian suffered a severe setback, in June 1822 when George Tunstall left the paper and dissolved his partnership with Nicholas. Not the result of any falling out between the partners, Tunstall's decision was simply the conclusion of his having struck it rich in another endeavor, his impending marriage to the daughter of a prosperous planter in Baldwin County, Alabama. Bachelor Nicholas "rejoice[d] at the brightening fortunes of his friend . . . about to light him, into the highest and happiest walks of life," but he had to face the sobering fact that the man with all the knowledge of the printing trade had left.26

Gamely, Nicholas reorganized the business as C. Nicholas & Co. and tried to carry on. But troubles multiplied rapidly, and Nicholas's days as a publisher and printer were numbered. Soon after Tunstall left, Nicholas had to suspend publication temporarily for lack of supplies, and then just as he recovered and the press began to turn out weekly editions again, he was hit by the final, devastating blow-an outbreak of yellow fever in Pensacola. The very utterance of the name of the disease struck fear in the hearts of southern coastal dwellers, and Nicholas had always done his best to ridicule and allay those fears in the columns of the Floridian by stressing the salubrious climate and generally healthy conditions of Pensacola.27

But on August 17, 1822, the usually optimistic editor had to admit that the dreaded disease had indeed made its appearance and was responsible for at least five of the eight deaths in the town the preceding week. Still, he cautioned against panic and tried to be optimistic. The five who had died from the fever, he wrote, were susceptible to the disease because of other factors

25. Pensacola Floridian, March 4, July 20, 1820.

26. Ibid., June 22, July 20, 1822. Tunstall was married on July 4, 1822, and settled in Baldwin County to raise a family and live the life of a planter at his farm Montgomery Hill where he died on July 28, 1842. Nicholas, as with all his brothers save one, remained a bachelor all his life.

27. Ibid., September 1, 1821, June 22, July 20, August 3, 17, 1822. which had weakened their bodies: the consumption of green fruit, overexposure to the sun, alcoholism, or contraction of the disease in other places. It was obvious to Nicholas that if one avoided such factors, he would have nothing to worry about. "It is utterly inconceivable, how any infection can rage here, as long as our bay contains salt, and the Gulph stream breeze continues in its daily luxurious office," he wrote, adding, "we suspect that the greatest danger attends those who are most apprehensivefear, is the greatest possible, predisposing cause to fever-and we implore all that are so affected-to relieve us from the danger of their longer continuance amongst us."28

Despite Nicholas's chiding, fear was exactly the proper response for Pensacolians in the late summer of 1822 as the yellow fever "raged with great fury" through the town, killing scores of inhabitants and sending most of the rest fleeing inland. Showing more good sense than journalistic consistency, Nicholas shut down the Floridian and fled with them. He survived "the dreadful calamity," but Nicholas & Co. did not. Decreasing revenue from a drastically reduced population convinced him to sell the Floridian in March 1823 to John Fitzgerald, who struggled with the paper until the end of the following August when it came under the control of a very aggressive group of partners headed by William F. Steele, the United States District Attorney for West Florida, and Samuel Fry, a local attorney and member of the territorial Legislative Council.29

28. Ibid., August 17, 1822. When a young army officer arrived in Pensacola in November 1822. the first sight which greeted him was the corpse of a victim of the yellow fever stretched out at the foot of Palafox Street. The sickening sight confirmed the rumor he had heard in Philadelphia that yellow fever had been racking the town since August. See George A. McCall, Letters From the Frontier; Written During a Period of Thirty Years' Service in the Army of the United States (Philadelphia, 1868; facsimile. ed., Gainesville, 1974), 12-13. According to Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., the epidemic was a major factor in reducing the population of the town from about 3,0004,000 in the fall of 1821 to about 1,000-1,250 a little over a year later. See his "Ante Bellum Pensacola: 1821-1860," Florida Historical Quarterly, XXXVII (January-April 1959), 342-43, 351.

29. Jackson to Walton, November 20, 1822. in Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., "Andrew Jackson vs. the Spanish Governor," Florida Historical Quarterly, XXXIV (July 1955), 24-29; Pensacola Floridian, March 8, 1823; Pensacola Gazette and West Florida Advertiser, March 13, 1824; Brackenridge to John Quincy Adams, March 10, 1824, Henry de Grand Pr_ to Adams, March 18, 1824, John Lee Williams to Adams, April 1, 1824, Department of State Ms. Territorial Papers, XI, Florida 1823-1824, NA; In re Samuel Fry, Escambia County Court Records, File No. 1824-251, Escambia County Courthouse, Pensacola. Fortunately, Nicholas had not put all his eggs in the Floridian basket. A major reason for coming to Pensacola had been the opportunity for appointment to government offices, an opportunity made realistic by his association with Andrew Jackson. Because Nicholas was not a member of Jackson's inner circle, he could not expect the premier appointments, but he did not have to wait long for lesser ones to fall his way. Nicholas and Tunstall had been appointed the first official printers in the Floridas even before the arrival of their printing press, and soon thereafter Nicholas was named as Pensacola's first postmaster, a typical appointment for a small town newspaper editor. When Nicholas sold the Floridian in March 1823, he also relinquished the postmaster's position to Robert Mitchell.30

Another post consigned to Nicholas was that of an associate justice of the Escambia County Court. Not among the original five justices appointed by Jackson, he received his seat on the court sometime in the late fall or early winter of 1821 as a replacement for a justice who had died. Reverting to old patterns, Nicholas approached his judicial duties rather haphazardly, causing his fellow justices to complain in June 1822 that he had "sat but two or three terms." Since the court met monthly for a period of one to two weeks, hearing all civil and criminal cases for a county which at the moment stretched from the Suwanee River to the Alabama border in the west, one can understand why the other justices were so upset with Nicholas.31

Although offices such as these did not carry the power and income associated with higher posts, they did place Nicholas among the area's local leadership elite and brought a type of prestige he had never enjoyed before. When two prospective school-masters sought endorsements for their new private school from "gentlemen of high respectability," the name of Major Nicholas was included, along with those of General Edmund P. Gaines, Colonel Duncan L. Clinch, and Judge John V. Garnier. What all this reveals is that Nicholas had accomplished

30. Pensacola Floridian, September 8, 1821, March 8, 29, 1823.

31. Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., "The Governorship of Andrew Jackson," Florida Historical Quarterly, XXXIII (July 1954), 12-13; National Intelligencer, September 13, 1821; Memorial to the President from Escambia County Court Justices, June 25, 1822, in Carter, ed., Territorial Papers, XXII, 480-81. The first mention of Nicholas as a justice appears on a December 26, 1821, petition to President Monroe to replace Eligius Fromentin as the United States judge in Pensacola with Henry M. Brackenridge, see ibid., XXII, 315-18. almost everthing he had set out to do except become wealthy. Jackson and his closest friends complained bitterly when President Monroe had failed to award offices to most of the gover nor's nominees, but given this circumstance, Nicholas fared well.32

Just how well became evident in the late summer of 1823. In July the territorial Legislative Council had enacted legislation "to regulate the counties and establish Inferior Courts in the Territory of Florida." Escambia County was given a new eastern boundary to the Choctawhatchee River, and Cary Nicholas was appointed by Governor William P. DuVal-a Jackson man-to be the first county judge of the re-created county court. In most respects, the appointment was astounding, essentially because Nicholas had so little solid experience with the law. His days as a law student had occurred seventeen years earlier, and his initial attempt to establish a law practice in Kentucky had ended in miserable, humiliating failure in 1807. As an associate justice of the earlier Escambia County Court, he had neglected his duties, and although he had announced the opening of a Pensacola law practice in July 1822, evidence suggests that once again the practice never got off the ground. Still, the new editor of the Floridian held that Nicholas's selection enjoyed "the unlimited confidence of the whole county. His firmness, his integ rity, and the excellence of his understanding, give him the most indisputable claims to the respect of all who know him." Fitzgerald admitted that much time had passed since Nicholas's "midnight lamp shed its light upon the folios of the law," but given his thorough training, he should be able to recollect what he needed to know.33

This purely political appointment with little regard for judicial qualifications was Nicholas's reward for his loyalty to the Jackson men who played a dominant role in Florida politics after the general himself had quit the territory. Foremost among these was Richard Keith Call, a former army captain and a Jackson protog_, who served on the territorial Legislative Council in 1822 and 1823 and as Florida's non-voting delegate to

32. Pensacola Floridian, February 4, 1822; Doherty, Richard Keith Call, 18.

33. Pensacola Floridian, July 20, 1822, August 9, 23, 1823; Charles D. Farris, "The Courts of Territorial Florida," Florida Historical Quarterly, XIX (April 1941), 346-67. Congress from 1823 to 1825. Nicholas had guessed correctly that Call would emerge as the strongest figure among the squabbling Jacksonians, and he aligned himself with Call's faction-later called the land office gang or Nucleus-from the earliest skirmishes. Call's greatest rival during the territorial period was Joseph M. White, a lawyer who succeeded Call as Florida's congressional delegate in 1826 despite any earlier association with Jackson or his crowd. In an 1822 Floridian editorial, Nicholas had publicly objected to White's appointment to the first Legislative Council because White was an outsider who had never lived in Florida, and he maintained his opposition to the White faction through his association with Call for the remainder of his life.34

That life, however, was not to be spent in Pensacola. Spurning his judicial appointment, Nicholas apparently departed in October 1823, entrusting his financial affairs and all claims against him in West Florida to the new postmaster, Robert Mitchell. When the new Escambia County Court met for its initial term that same month, its first judge was George Bowie, not Cary Nicholas.35

Nicholas's reasons for leaving Pensacola are not all that difficult to understand. Because a county judge depended on fees for services rather than a fixed salary, the post was not financially attractive, especially in a town that had not fulfilled expec tations for rapid growth. Pensacola had proven to be a great disappointment to those who had gambled on quick rewards in a boom town. Reinforcing this disappointment was the fact that Pensacola was about to lose its political significance as well. A commission chosen by Governor DuVal to find a more central location for a permanent capital had selected a site at Tallahassee

34. Robert Butler to Andrew Jackson, June 9, 1831 in Bassett, ed., Correspondence of Andrew Jackson. IV, 293-94: Doherty, Richard Keith Call, 6-8, 12-16; Pensacola Floridian, June 8, 1822; Carter, ed, Territorial Papers, XXII, 28788, 317-18. When Nicholas was brought to court in 1822 and 1823 for failure to pay debts, he used Call as his attorney and surety to handle the cases and settle the debts. See Escambia County Court Records, File Nos. 106, 2409, 2414.

35. Pensacola Floridian, November 8, 1823; Brackenridge to Adams, March 10, 1824, and Benjamin D. Wright to William F. Steel;, March 12, 1824, Department of State Ms. Territorial Papers, XI, Florida 1823-1824, NA. After serving one term, Bowie was succeeded by Benjamin D. Wright for the February and October 1824 terms, see ibid.; Pensacola Gazette and West Florida Advertiser, October 9, 1824. in October 1823, and in March of the following year, DuVal announced that the November session of the Legislative Council would be held there. Suddenly Tallahassee replaced Pensacola in the affection of speculators, and hopes for a territorial El Dorado shifted to the site of the new capital. When Governor DuVal and Secretary George Walton left Pensacola in June to establish executive offices in Tallahassee, it was clear that Pensacola would be relegated to a minor role in the territory.36

Nicholas did not want to remain in a town that had fizzled economically and had lost its political importance. He did not go directly from Pensacola to Tallahassee in the late fall of 1823 for the simple reason that the latter existed only as a designated spot on a map, but when the Legislative Council held its first session in the new capital in November 1824, Nicholas was there to receive his political due. It came on December 30 when he was appointed as the first presiding judge of the new Leon County Court, a position similar to the one he had rejected earlier in Escambia County. This time Nicholas accepted the post, although only on a temporary basis. He presided over the February 1825 session of the court, but in November he presented to that same court his commission from Acting Governor George Walton as its newly-appointed clerk. Rather than a demotion, the appointment probably came at Nicholas's request because the county clerk was paid a regular salary while the county judge was compensated from fees for his services. For once Nicholas hedged his bets, strayed from his gambler's mentality, and took the safer, more assured course. When a Superior Court was created for the Middle District encompassing the area around Tallahassee, he accepted the clerking duties for that court as well.37

In Tallahassee Nicholas continued the convivial life for which he was noted although his Kentucky reputation as a drunkard and gambler seemed well behind him. At a public dinner replete with standard political toasts, it was Nicholastrue to form-who saluted "The Ladies of Tallahassee." While

36. Keller, The Nation's Advocate, 308-09; Pensacola Gazette and West Florida Advertiser, March 13, June 26, 1824.

37. Pensacola Gazette and West Florida Advertiser, November 13, 1824, February 5, 1825; Leon County Deed Record Book A and Leon County Court Minutes, March 14, 1825, to September 19, 1833, Leon County Courthouse, Tallahassee; Farris, "The Courts of Territorial Florida," 346-67. other members of the Florida Institute of Agriculture Antiquities and Science suggested serious projects for study and dis cussion, Nicholas seemed most concerned about plans for the group's anniversary dinner and celebration.38

Nicholas had come to Tallahassee, however, primarily to increase his slender estate. With that view in mind, he dabbled almost in amateurish fashion-in land speculation. The first public auction of lots in Tallahassee was held on April 5, 1825, and although Nicholas had little clear capital of his own, he nonetheless purchased several lots on terms of credit. Unable to make payments on schedule, he solicited the aid of Augustus B. Woodward, the treasurer of Leon County, in forming a partnership as joint owners of the lots in 1826. Still unable to come up with the necessary funds, he was eventually forced to turn over all the lots save one to Woodward and other creditors.39

As a speculator even on a small scale, Nicholas proved a total failure. Deed books and land records reveal that he never owned the large quantity of lands necessary to make speculation pay, and an 1825 census taken for tax purposes shows him owning only one slave. When he died in Tallahassee on April 20, 1829, at the age of forty-three, the Leon County Court estimated the value of his estate at $2,346.67, and nearly half that amount had only recently come his way as the result of a sale of some contested Kentucky land to a younger brother.40

Unlike earlier generations of his family, Cary Nicholas made no major impact on the society of his day. No monuments were

38. Pensacola Gazette and West Florida Advertiser, February 26, 1825; Tallahassee Florida Intelligencer, October 6, 1826.

39. Pensacola Gazette and West Florida Advertiser, January 8, 1825; Leon County Deed Book A, 1, 176; Leon County Court Minutes, March 14, 1825, to September 19, 1833; Leon County Chancery Order Book No. 1, 9. Nicholas's handling of the purchase, payments, and disposal of the lots was questionable to say the least. He attempted to sell one of the jointly owned lots without Woodward's consent and even at that failed to note the transfer to the buyer on the back of the land certificate. When the buyer in turn attempted to resell the lot, his claim's as well as Woodward's were invalidated because of Nicholas's machinations. The sources and information on Nicholas's real estate gambits were uncovered by my colleague Peter W. King who graciously shared them with me.

40. Dorothy Dodd, "The Florida Census of 1825." Florida Historical Quarterly, XXII (July 1943), 34-40; Leon County Miscellaneous Proceedings, 27; Leon County Deed Book A, 499-500; Tallahassee Florida Advocate, April 25, June 13, 1829. erected to his memory; no space in history texts was given to his accomplishments for the simple reason that he had none worth recording. Even the announcements of his death in Florida newspapers were cursory at best despite his roles as an early territorial editor and office holder. Yet his life in territorial Florida merits examination if for no other reason than as an example of a personality type lured and nurtured by the American frontier.41

41. Tallahassee Florida Advocate, April 25, 1829; Key West Register and Commercial Advertiser, April 30, 1829; Pensacola Gazette and West Florida Advertiser, May 12, 1829. One reason for the lack of newspaper space given to his life may have been the fact that the papers in Tallahassee and Pensacola were strong advocates of the White faction which Nicholas had always opposed.

ON the eve of the Civil War Tallahassee and Leon County were the center of Florida's economic, political, and social life. Tallahasseans read about themselves in their two weekly, and decidedly political, newspapers: the strongly Democratic Floridian and Journal (circulation 1,500) and the Whiggish Florida Sentinel (circulation 1,000).1 As a national force the Whigs had disintegrated, but the Florida Sentinel retained the party's principles. Local people kept further informed by talking among themselves. Conversations ranging from philosophical discussions to plain gossip were held on street corners, at stores, at churches, and at meetings of clubs and fraternal orders such as Jackson Lodge, No. 1, the state's oldest masonic organization.2

A look at who the Leon countians were, where they came from, and what they did reveals both the predictable and the unexpected. Tallahassee ranked fourth in the state in population (Pensacola was number one), but Leon with 12,343 people was Florida's most populous county. There were 3,194 whites, sixty free persons of color, and 9,089 slaves. Within Tallahassee the racial division was almost equal. Out of a total of 1,932 there were 997 whites, forty-six free persons of color, and 889 slaves.3

Native-born Floridians made up a majority of the white population. Georgia was second, and all of the states of the future

William Warren Rogers is professor of history, Florida State University.

1. Manuscript returns of the Eighth U. S. Census, 1860, Leon County, Florida, Social Statistics, n.p. [hereinafter cited as Manuscript census, with appropriate schedule]. Unless otherwise designated, all totals are compiled from this census. For the broader picture, see Thomas Sentell Graham, "Ante-Bellum Tallahassee Newspapers, 1845-1861," (master's thesis, Florida State University, 1967), 1-93; John Kilgore, "Leon County's Newspapers," Tallahassee Historical Society Annual, IV (1939), 68-79.

2. The only history of Tallahassee before the Civil War (it deals peripherally with Leon County) is Bertram H. Groene, Ante-Bellum Tallahassee (Tallahassee, 1971).

3. U. S. Bureau of Census, Eighth Census of the United States, Florida, Schedule 1, Free Population (Washington, 1864), 51-53, 55. Confederacy were represented. The only Midwesterners were from Indiana, while the border states of Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland, and Delaware furnished a few settlers. Immigrants had also moved in from Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Vermont, New Hampshire, and Maine. The largest number of foreign-born were from Germany, England, Ireland, and France.

The population also included people from Italy, Denmark, Scotland, the West Indies, Canada, Nova Scotia, East India, Prussia, the Kingdom of Saxony, and Holland. Six other citizens also listed Europe as their place of origin without specifying a particular country.4

Tallahassee was established in 1824 on the site of an old Indian village and was specifically created to be the capital of the Territory of Florida. Incorporated in 1825, Tallahassee was also designated as the seat of government for Leon County in 1828. The provincial capital lay outside the routes of most travellers to the South and was not often visited. Yet by 1860 the town and county were prosperous. There was a great stirring in the land. A visitor from South Carolina noted the "busi ness men, merchants and planters, bringing with them all the wealth, luxury and taste of many years gathering up. Style predominates to a great extent. . . . You wonder at seeing all this in the bosom of a country not yet developed, and scarcely known to the world."5

Tallahassee's greatest importance was as a trading center for the rich agricultural area of Leon County and Middle Florida. St. Marks, eighteen miles south on the Gulf of Mexico, was the town's port. Because agriculture dominated the economy, farming and directly related occupations were the chief means of livelihood. Leon County led the state in the amount of farm land, the value of livestock, the production of corn, and the number of bales of cotton ginned. The total cash value of Leon's farm products made it number one in Florida.6

4. Manuscript census, Free Population, n.p. Exact page references are provided only for specific citations.

5. William Warren Rogers, ed., "Florida On the Eve of the Civil War as Seen by a Southern Reporter," Florida Historical Quarterly. XXXIX (October 1960), 152.

6. U. S. Bureau of Census, Agriculture of the United States in 1860 (Washingron. 1864), 18-19. Farming engaged almost the entire slave population. Among the whites, 300 men, thirteen of whom lived in Tallahassee, listed themselves as farmers. John H. Rhodes, the census taker in 1860, recorded that one such yeoman was a combination blacksmith-farmer, another was a butcher-farmer, while a third was a gardener. In addition, one resident said that he was a hog raiser, and another man was a hay raiser. Fifteen citizens were farm laborers.

There are no accepted definitions for the words planter and plantation. Yet on a plantation the basic work force was slave labor, and agricultural production was its reason for being. A planter was a person who owned sufficient land to require its cultivation by slaves. In turn, the management of his bondsmen occupied the majority of the owner's time and concentration. The number of slaves and acres necessary to put one in the planter class varied from one location to another. In the society of Tallahassee and Leon County, it was the planter who occupied the top rung of wealth, power, and social prestige.7

Fifteen planters lived in Tallahassee, but the majority, ninety-one, resided in the county. Generally, their holdings lay on a line parallel with Tallahassee and stretched northward to the Georgia boundary. To the south and southwest the land was not well suited to plantation agriculture. The owners, including one physician-planter and one planter-merchant, utilized foremen and managers. These overseers, the key men in determining a plantation's success, numbered seventy-eight in Leon County.

Some owners who qualified as planters preferred to call themselves farmers. The aristocratic Thomas Brown was such a man. He had migrated from Virginia to Leon County in 1827 and brought 140 slaves with him. Throughout an active life, he owned hotels, operated a race track, sat in the legislature, and served as Florida's second governor (1848-1853). Seventy-four years old in 1860, Brown described himself as a "retired farmer ."8

7. Interview with John Hebron Moore, December 3, 1984. See Julia Floyd Smith, Slavery and Plantation Growth in Antebellum Florida 1821-1860 (Gainesville, 1973), 122-52; Larry E. Rivers, "Slavery in Microcosm: Leon County, 1824-1860," Journal of Negro History, XLVI (Fall 1981), 235-45.

8. Manuscript census, Free Population, 56; Mary D. Lewis, "Thomas Brown," Apalachee, I (1944), 90-95; Elizabeth F. Smith, Tom Brown's Tallahassee Days, 1825-1850 (Crawfordville, 1971), n.p. Benjamin Chaires, Sr., whose property (and that of his family) lay east of Tallahassee near Lake Lafayette, was an ar chetypal planter. Neither the county's largest landowner nor its smallest, Chaires in 1860 ran a largely self-sufficient operation. He owned 1,000 improved acres and 1,500 more that were unimproved. The cash value of his plantation was $20,000, while his farm implements and machinery were worth $650. He had four horses, twenty-five mules, thirty milk cows, sixty other cattle, twenty-five sheep, and 120 swine. The livestock had a valuation of $4,235. Chaires used ten tons of home-grown hay to help feed his livestock. He harvested 300 bushels of rye, 200 bushels of peas and beans, ten bushels of Irish potatoes, 1,500 bushels of sweet potatoes, and 2,500 bushels of corn. Cotton was the main money crop, and 160 bales were ginned. Most of the labor was performed by sixty-six slaves.9

Besides the men and women who worked the land, a number of people were directly dependent upon agriculture. They included a cotton weigher, a cotton buyer, a cotton broker, and three commission merchants. The list was extended by the presence of nine blacksmiths, a horse trader, two livery stable keep ers (particularly P. B. Brokaw's Livery And Sale Stables), two ditchers, a harness maker, seven carriage makers, and a wheelwright.

There was little industrial activity in Tallahassee and Leon County at the time. In combination their total manufacturing output in 1860 was valued at $28,900. The chief industries were the Tallahassee Railroad Company, an investment of $30,000, and the Pensacola and Georgia Railroad Company, worth $50,000.10 Operations such as the railroads, machine shops, and foundries employed eighty-one workers. Another thirty-two men, less specialized in their occupations, were classified as laborers. More skilled were eight engineers, a civil engineer, a mold maker, two molders, eight machinist, six mechanics, a

9. Manuscript census, Agriculture, 2-3; Manuscript census, Slave Population, 5-6. For the Chaires family, see Mary Louise Ellis, "Benjamin Chaires: Territorial Florida's Man For All Seasons," Florida State Historical Journal, I (1983-1984), 39-49.

10. Manuscript census, Industry, 2. Besides their technical and maintenance staffs, the railroads also employed office personnel such as an agent and a treasurer. See George W. Pettengill, Jr., The Story of Florida Railroads 18341903 (Boston, 1952), 11-15, 24-26; Dorothy Dodd, "The Tallahassee Railroad and the Town of St. Marks," Apalachee, IV (1950-1956), 1-12. superintendent of machines, a master machinist, and a master car shop man. The combined work force, ranging from the unskilled to craftsmen, was 142.

If there was no large scale manufacturing, local interests were served by a thriving cottage industry and a variety of speciality shops and enterprises. Cottage industries included two silversmiths, two shoemakers, two watchmakers, two gunsmiths, a cooper, numerous seamstresses and washwomen, a mattress maker, and nine millers. Joseph Weber was the leader among seven tailors, and in 1860 his firm produced 300 items of clothing valued at $2,000.11 John Cardy, owner of the Fulton Foun dry, kept castings for saw mills and gins on hand. He also built to order steam engines from six to thirty-five horsepower.12 Those whose income depended upon special services included two hotel keepers, a billiard parlor operator, two printers, a baker, a jeweler, a bookbinder, a ferryman, and a daguerreotypist.

An on-going series of building projects-residences, stores, churches-demonstrated several levels of craftsmanship. There were twenty-three carpenters and another three men who were classified as "boss carpenters." James Shine was the local brick manufacturer, and there were five brick masons. Thirteen painters put the finishing touches on structures that were usually designed by the owners, although there was one architect. The more intricate inside work was done by three cabinet makers. Despite the use of brick (there was even a marble cutter), the basic building material was wood. To supply the need there was a hewer, as well as four shingle getters. The seven suppliers of wood were known variously as lumbermen, lumber getters, and timber getters. One hedged by declaring that he was also a farmer.

Scattered across the county, but concentrated in Tallahassee, were a number of general or dry goods stores and businesses. The result was that thirty-four men held the position of clerk. There was also a clerk in the State Bank of Florida (chartered by the General Assembly in 1851). Because a number of merchants were self-employed, they outnumbered the clerks; there were forty-six town merchants and three in the country. Among

11. Manuscript census, Industry, 2.

12. Tallahassee Floridian and Journal, August 18, 1860. the better-known stores were J. M. Calloway, "Grocer & Commission Merchant"; Alex Gallie, "Dealer in Dry Goods, Provisions"; "D. C. Wilson & Son"; "Geo. W. Scott & Co."; and "A. F. Hayward, Staple Goods."13 Keeping up with the flow of business and providing an accounting were nine bookkeepers.

A separate and somewhat amorphous category was that of "agent." Representing out-of-town financial institutions, two men are listed in the census as bank agents. Four others are also described as agents and one is listed as a "trader." No person gave his primary occupation as that of slave trader, although some agents and commission merchants added the euphemism "auctioneer" to their title and openly advertised the sale of slaves. R. H. Berry, Edward M. West, and R. A. Shine, Jr., each advertised himself as an "Auctioneer and Commission Merchant." Occasionally, slaves were auctioned off at bankruptcy sales held in front of the courthouse.

The holding of public office was an exclusively male category of employment. There were city officers, clerks of court, deputy clerks, a post office clerk, a mail rider, a tax collector, a supreme court judge, sheriff, secretary of state, and state treasurer. Because land transactions were so important there was a United States Land Office Register, a state land agent, and a Swamp Land Agent. There was also an independent surveyor.

The professions-law, medicine, teaching, and the ministry-did not lack for adherents. Tallahassee's position as state capital caused a large number of lawyers to settle within its confines. There were twenty lawyers in town and five more out in the country. Some lawyers were in practice for themselves and others formed powerful firms with political ties. Among the latter were M. D. Papy and Hugh Archer, D. P. Hogue and A. Perry Amaker, and Wilkinson Call and T. W. Brevard, Jr.

Fifteen of the region's thirty-two doctors lived in Tallahassee and seventeen in the county. Although not all actively practiced medicine, a number did. There were two dentists, one for urban and one for rural patients. Among the doctors were Stuart White, George Badger, and partners J. B. Taylor and J. S. Bond.14 Filling prescriptions for the doctors, as well as selling a

13. Ibid., January 28, 1860.

14. Henry E. Palmer, "Physicians of Early Tallahassee and Vicinity," Apalachee, I (1944), 29-46; Groene, Ante-Bellum Tallahassee, 51-58. variety of patent medicines, were four druggists. J. R. Gregory & Co. drew a large patronage, but the largest drug firm was that of D. H. Ames and Matthew Lively.

The number of teachers totaled fourteen (nine were in Tallahassee). Although the region was not an educational center, its record was better than the census figures indicated-only two young men were classified as students. In 1857 the General Assembly designated Tallahassee as the locale for a seminary of learning. Earlier, in 1851, provision had been made for two such institutions, one on either side of the Suwannee River. The West Florida Seminary in Tallahassee was divided into a male department (four teachers, eighty students) and a female department (three teachers, seventy-five students). Each had its own campus and administration. In addition, there were fourteen "common" schools. These were one-teacher schools with a combined enrollment of 400 pupils. None of the schools had an endowment, although the seminaries each received $1,700 from public funds and $4,500 from "other sources." The common schools' combined county appropriations were $500, but they managed to raise $2,400 from tuition and other means.15

By 1860 Tallahassee had lost much of its reputation for violence and lawlessness. The stigma had been justly earned in earlier decades. John S. Tappan, the stern temperance leader from New England, visited Tallahassee in 1841, and pronounced the recent yellow fever epidemic a blessing because it killed so many "Gamblers & Blacklegs of the place." According to Tappan, "A year ago you could not walk the Streets without being armed to the teeth."16 Now, there were only a few saloons, and even bowling and tenpin alleys were outlawed. While there were county and municipal law enforcement officials, they were not overworked. In 1860 only three criminals were convicted,

15. Acts and Resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of Florida, 1850-1851 (Tallahassee, 1851), 97-101; ibid., 1856 (Tallahassee, 1856), 28-29; Manuscript census, Social Statistics. See also William G. Dodd, "Early Education in Tallahassee and the West Florida Seminary, Now Florida State University," Florida Historical Quarterly, XXVII (July 1948), 1-27, and (October 1948), 157-80.

16. John S. Tappan, "Tallahassee and St. Marks in 1841; A Letter of John S. Tappan," Florida Historical Quarterly, XXIV (October 1945), 108-12. See also James Michael Denham, "An Upper Class Institution: Dueling in Territorial Middle Florida During the Early 1830s," Apalachee, IX (1980-1983), 29-40. and the local jail housed only four inmates.17 A number of citizens ascribed the law-abiding tendencies to the influence of the church.

Perhaps they were correct. Town and county had two Presbyterian, one Roman Catholic, thirteen Methodist, two Epis copal, seven Missionary Baptist, and two United Baptist churches. Although church membership totals are missing, the buildings, taken together, could accommodate 1,300 people.18

Several of the churches had more black members than white. Usually services were held for slaves on Sunday afternoons, with white preachers supervising the sermons of black ministers. Even at church services, whites reasoned, a gathering of blacks opened the possibility of plotting a slave insurrection. Sometimes, as in Tallahassee's Presbyterian church, slave pews were built in the balcony, and services were conducted simultaneously for both races. The style of the church buildings varied widely, although cumulatively, the structures were valued at $41,900.19

The style of preaching was no less varied. Some men of the cloth were uneducated and proud of it. Such a pastor claimed to have received a call to preach that was irresistable. Whatever he lacked in oratorical polish was made up for in sincerity and fervor. Some denominations, such as the Presbyterians, stressed an educated clergy, and the typical Calvinist minister was trained in theology.

Ministers were usually men of influence in the community. Yet that was relative depending on the size and influence of the congregation. An aristocratic South Carolinian, the Reverend Francis Huger Rutledge, preached at St. John's Episcopal church in Tallahassee from 1845 to 1851. At that time he was elected bishop of the Diocese of Florida but continued to live in Tallahassee. Bishop Rutledge was a graduate of Yale University and owned real estate valued at $25,000 and a personal estate of $82,000. His secular possessions contrasted sharply with those

17. Manuscript census, Social Statistics.

18. Ibid. See also W. T. Cash, "History of Trinity Methodist Church," Apalachee, II (1946), 46-58; Norman Edward Booth, "Tallahassee Trinity's Ante-Bellum Times, 1824-1861," (master's thesis, Florida State University, 1971); Mary Margaret Prichard Rhodes, "From Mission Bells to Cathedral Chimes," Apalachee, IX (1980-1983), 67-88; Jack Dalton, "A History of Florida Baptists," (Ph.D. diss., University of Florida, 1952); Groene, AnteBellum Tallahassee, 119-29.

19. Manuscript census, Social Statistics. of a thirty-two-year-old Baptist preacher named Farneth Norris, whose real estate came to $50 and his personal estate to $100. The Reverend E. F. Gates offered an even more dramatic comparison. At the age of thirty-four, Methodist preacher Gates had no personal or real estate whatsoever.20

A small part of Leon County's population lived in a twilight zone. These were the sixty people (thirty-four females, twenty- six males) legally classified as free persons of color. They were not slaves, but neither did they possess the rights and privileges of white citizens. Always occuping an anomalous position, they became a source of increasing concern for the white population as the Civil War approached. A free black was hardly the role model slaveowners wanted their chattels to emulate. Free blacks were automatically excluded from the professions and occupations that would have earned them much beyond marginal in comes. Yet despite their limitations, free blacks manage to cope. Beyond defining blacks as males and females, slaves and free persons, the census differentiated according to skin pigmentation. If a person were of mixed racial descent, he or she was still a black but was designated as a mulatto. The tendency throughout the South was for a high percentage of free persons to be mulattos. The division, however, was almost equal in Leon County.

Most free blacks worked as laborers but there were several gradations of their labor. Georgia-born Jack Hall (sixty-four years old) was the only free black officially cited as a "farm laborer." Nonetheless, he had real estate valued at $800 and a personal estate of $200. Robert Ponder (forty-seven years old), another Georgian, was an overseer on the plantation where he lived.21

Two free blacks, Starling Jones (forty-nine years old) and Jason Heart (fifty years old), found that their skills as carpenters were in steady demand. The important job of freighting and hauling was performed by two draymen, both of them free.

20. Manuscript census, Free Population, 11, 31. See Carl Stauffer, God Willing: A History of St. John's Episcopal Church 1829-1979 (Tallahassee, 1984), 73-75, 81; Joseph D. Cushman, Jr., A Goodly Heritage The Episcopal Church in Florida 1821-1892 (Gainesville, 1965), 24, 27-34.

21. Manuscript census, Free Population, 24, 46. See also Garvin Russell, "The Free Negro in Florida Before the Civil War," Florida Historical Quarterly, XLVI (July 1967), 1-17; Julie Anne Lisenby, "The Free Negro in Antebellum Florida," (master's thesis, Florida State University, 1967). Payton Brown, a forty-two-year-old Virginian, and fifty-year-old William Chavis, a native of Georgia, earned more money than many whites.22

While several white music teachers lived in the area, only one resident was described as a "musician." That person was James T. Selby, a free black. Born in France, Selby was of mixed blood. By whatever means, he was in Leon County by 1842 at which time he bought a lot in Tallahassee. Between then and 1860 when he was sixty-four, Selby married a young woman of mixed blood named Cynthia. They had three children. It seems improbable that Selby earned a livelihood as a musician, but any other work that he performed remains unknown. Yet he was a good provider, and after his death, Cynthia Selby was able to purchase 360 acres of land in 1863 and pay cash for it.23

The female population of the area was divided almost equally with that of the male citizens, yet little is known of the role that women played. By the time the white women of Tallahassee and Leon County reached maturity, most were married and busily engaged in the demanding tasks of caring for their homes and raising their families. The pattern was so accepted by 1860 that census taker Rhodes did not bother to report what most white women were doing. A woman was merely assigned a number; everyone knew what her status was. In only two instances were women listed as housekeepers, and that was be cause they were not married or the heads of households.

Most women who were black or of mixed descent were slaves. As private property they were subject to the arbitrary will of their masters. There were important exceptions to these stereotypes. It was not uncommon for single women or widows, white and black, to support themselves, or for married women of both races to earn money with their own labor. Such women received pay or income as washwomen (exclusively blacks), teachers (whites only), farmers, and seamstresses (both races).

All of the area's fourteen washwomen listed as living within the limits of Tallahassee were either black or mulatto. Lucinda Rosberry, forty-four-years-old, and her daughter Julia, eighteen, worked as washwomen; William, her sixteen-year-old son,

22. Manuscript census, Free Population, 19, 21, 24-25.

23. Leon County Deed Book G, 424-25; H, 45-46; N, Part 1, 271-72, on file at the Leon County Courthouse, Tallahassee. See also Manuscript census, Free Population, 29. was a brick mason.24 Other combinations of mother and daughter washwomen were Malinda Norris and her daughter, Eliza, and Harriet Hudson and her mother, Eliza (all mulattoes). Both Malinda and Harriet had personal estates valued at $1,000. Georgia-born Jane Christian (black) still washed and ironed clothes at sixty-five, and her two daughters, Susan (sixteen) and Sarah (fourteen), were similarly employed.25 One free mulatto couple, Mary and Robert Jones, natives of Georgia, combined their incomes and earned a good living. He was a laborer, but she was the major wage earner as a washwoman. Her real estate came to $1,000 and her personal estate to $100. Other washwomen included Sally Robinson, Hanah Baker, and Katie Jones.26

The South's social restraints precluded white women from earning money by laundering clothes for other people. Although the typical white woman worked long hours washing and ironing for her family, performing similar labors for others would have been demeaning and unacceptable. No black women earned money by working for whites as domestics Tallahassee, and there were only two such women in the county. Both were Caucasian and were listed respectively as a servant and as a domestic.27

Two free black women shared an avocation dominated by white women. In the town and county there were thirty-seven seamstresses. Lidia Stout, a forty-two-year-old Florida-born free black had $600 worth of real estate and a personal estate of $500, Mary Owens (nineteen), was the other black seamstress.28 Another five white women engaged in more sophisticated and renumerative crafts involving cloth. Two called themselves tailoresses, two others made manteaus (loose cloaks or coats), and one worked as a spinner and weaver.

Some women owned land as a result of inheritance, purchase, or both, and were successful planters. Two who directed more modest agricultural ventures adopted the title farmeress. Dorothy O'Cane, a fifty-nine-year-old mulatto, was an unusual member of the planter class. The native of South Carolina had real estate valued at $2,000 and a personal estate worth $12,000.

24. Manuscript census, Free Population, 22.

25. Ibid., 26-27.

26. Ibid., 21, 23, 25.

27. Ibid., 23, 47. The two women were Martha Jackson, forty-one, and Elizabeth Henderson, twenty-eight.

28. Ibid., 24, 38. She owned ten slaves (five females and five males). Her land covered 400 acres, 160 of them improved, and she produced eighteen bales of cotton and 700 bushels of corn. She had a horse, three mules, six milk cows, four other head of cattle, and thirty hogs. Besides cotton, she raised Irish potatoes, sweet potatoes, and produced butter, syrup, and meat.29

The law that forbade teaching blacks to read and write made axiomatic the exclusion of black teachers of either sex. Yet in the broad field of education women were more numerous than men. The common schools for whites were usually segregated by sex, and that of Mrs. L. E. Grant was typical. The term began October 1, and ended June 30. By various combinations of music, guitar, drawing and painting, waxwork, embroidery, and French the young women were charged $25.00, $30.00, or $40.00. Each student also paid $2.00 in incidental expenses. As Mrs. Grant explained, "This embraces Fuel and Servant's attention upon the School Room."30

After the Civil War many southern women-often they were widows-operated boarding houses and hotels. This was a relatively uncommon activity in the antebellum period. In 1860 Tallahassee had only one boarding house managed by a woman. Ever the faithful recorder, census taker Rhodes included three practitioners of the world's oldest profession. Each of the young women shared a common address and acknowledged that her business was "one of pleasure." They were sixteen, twenty, and twenty-eight respectively. The oldest and most solvent had $1,500 worth of real estate and a personal estate of $200.31

What gave the surface appearance of an uncomplicated agrarian society was in fact a highly complicated one. Shadings, nuances, a pecking order of privilege-all were part of the intricate mosiac formed from a bi-racial society in a time of both tension and prosperity. Given the expanding economy of Tallahassee and Leon County, the populace had much cause for optimism. At every hand there was evidence of improved roads and newly-laid rail connections, good crops and high prices, institutional and educational progress. Population, business, professional services-all were expanding. It was true that the

29. Ibid., 26; Manuscript census, Slave Population, 34; Manuscript census, Agriculture, 5.

30. Tallahassee Floridian and Journal, June 30, 1860.

31. Manuscript census, Free Population, 13. nation was being torn asunder by political divisions, but the people of Leon County and Tallahassee were more concerned with affairs at home and the daily demands of making a living. Yet it was unthinkable in 1860 that Abraham Lincoln and the Republican party could win control of the White House. It was further true that the burden of slavey seemed heavier than ever. The peculiar institution was so deeply entrenched that to abandon it seemed impossible. The two races were dependent upon each other, as the curse of human bondage re fused to relax its grip. For every free person in Leon County there were three who were slaves. Surely, though, the whites believed, it could all be worked out in the future. For the time being, the only world they knew was that of 1860.

EQUALITY of protection under the laws, as guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, implies that in the administration of criminal justice no person, by reason of his race or color, shall be subjected for the same offense to any greater or different punishment than that to which persons of another race or color are subjected.1 It also suggests that all citizens are entitled to protection of their civil rights and against discriminatory practices based upon race, color, creed, or religion. Unfortunately, in October 1883 when the United States Supreme Court declared the Civil Rights Acts of 1875 unconstitutional, the legislative framework requiring states to provide for civil rights in public places of accommodation and transportation was dismantled. It further had the effect of nullifying the civil rights act passed by Florida lawmakers in 1873.2

Legal segregation was not an overnight development in postReconstruction Florida. Lawmakers cautiously approached the establishment of de jure segregation. But once the movement had begun it spread rapidly into every sector of social life within the state. Segregation was established in the regular schools, schools for the deaf and blind, for juvenile delinquents, and in colleges. It was provided for in the prisons-the convict lease and prison system-and the local jails. It was required on the railroads, streetcars, electric cars, at the ticket offices, and in waiting rooms.3 During this period of Democratic supremacy

Wali R. Kharif is instructor of history and political science, Southern Georgia College, Douglas, Georgia.

1. American Law Reports, 2d, XXXVIII (New York, 1977), 332-39.

2. Acts and Resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of Florida, 1873 (Tallahassee, 1873), 25-26.

3. Ibid., 1887-1915. See also Pauli Murray, ed., State Laws on Race and Color (Cincinnati, 1950), 77-88. Blacks and whites were also prohibited from cohabiting and intermarrying, and where not otherwise segregated they were discriminated against. blacks were also disfranchised and omitted from juries, and they continued to be victims of violence and intimidation. In response to this adversity black Floridians established their own social and cultural institutions. But they also fought back against disfranchisement, racial discrimination, and segregation in other ways. They filed counter suits in the courts, staged protests and boycotts, encouraged some emigration, and established black communities.

Some of the earliest protests were against disfranchisement of black voters who had been dropped from voter registration lists after being convicted of petty crimes.4 In October 1878 several hundred Jefferson County blacks converged on the court house in Monticello unsuccessfully requesting to have their names restored to rolls.5 Similar actions occurred in Leon, Gadsden, Escambia, and Madison counties where thousands were declared ineligible to vote between 1876 and 1888.6

While the earliest protests were in response to disfranchisement, the outcries in opposition to segregation on public accom modations received greatest attention. During the early 1870s it was not unusual to find blacks and whites travelling in the same train cars.7 But by 1880 there was strong opposition to mixing the races on common carriers. In April 1882, Bishop Daniel A. Payne, then seventy-one years old and the nationally known senior bishop of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, was ejected from a train in Florida when he refused to ride in the car set aside for blacks. The bishop was forced "to carry his baggage several miles in the heat of the day."8 By 1886 the

4. Jesse Jefferson Jackson, "Republicans and Florida Elections and Election Cases," (Ph.D. diss., Florida State University, 1974), 28.

5. Monticello Constitution, as cited in Tallahassee Weekly Floridian, October 15, 1878.

6. Jackson, "Republicans and Florida Elections," 27-28, 39, 43-44, 325. Voter disfranchisement continued in the years following constitutional revision in Florida. There is no indication, however, that black protests continued during these later years. For further examination of voter disfranchisements and chastisements, calls by Democrats for member turnouts, and further Democratic party attempts to justify the demise of black voters, refer to Tallahassee Weekly Floridian, May 21, September 3, November 12, 19, 1878, September 26, October 10, 1882, November 20, 1888.

7. Jacksonville Daily Florida Union, March 16, 1876.

8. Huntsville (Alabama) Gazette, April 29, 1882; Stanley P. Hirshson, Farewell to the Bloody Shirt: Northern Republicans and the Southern Negro, 1877-1893 (Bloomington, 1962), 101-02; Elizabeth Caldwell Beatty, "The Political Response of Black Americans, 1876-1896," (Ph.D. diss., Florida State University, 1976), 58. practice had become widespread enough that black ministers, headed by Bishop Payne, met in Jacksonville and protested the discrimination against blacks in the railroad cars. They resolved that as far as possible they would use their influence to discourage black excursions and all travelling not absolutely necessary on railroads which made distinctions.9

In spite of the black response during the following years additional Jim Crow laws were enacted to regulate public transportation. During the first decade of the twentieth century blacks responded by staging organized boycotts. In 1901 two boycotts were sponsored in Jacksonville following that city's passage of an ordinance providing for racial separation on the trol ley cars. 10 In further response black hackmen of the Coachmen's Union initiated an emergency system to provide a satisfactory alternative to streetcars, often accepting a loss in profit to help the boycotters. 11 The boycott crippled the transit system and was so effective "that after a few months the city authorities ceased enforcing the ordinance and quietly asked the Negro ministers to spread the word to their congregations."12

The victory in Jacksonville was short-lived. Between 1901 and 1905 increased emphasis was placed on enforcement of segregation laws. During the Jacksonville mayoral election of 1905 Mayor George M. Nolan was criticized by the opposition for his failure to enforce the ordinance.13 Further pressure was added by enactment of streetcar segregation laws throughout the South and the eventual passage of such a measure by the Florida legislature in 1905. 14 Blacks organized resistance to the new thrust to segregate the streetcars. Separate boycotts occurred in Jacksonville and Pensacola.15 Blacks in Jacksonville

9. New Orleans The Weekly Pelican, January 1, 1887.

10. August Meier and Elliott Rudwick, "Negro Boycotts of Segregated Streetcars in Florida, 1901-1905," South Atlantic Quarterly, LXIX (Autumn 1970), 525. The first black response was to send a group of prominent blacks to the mayor urging a veto of the ordinance. These representatives included Dr. James S. Hills, principal of the Florida Baptist Academy, Nathaniel Collier, Edward W. Robinson, Reverend James Johnson, Reverend John T. Marks, and the elderly Reconstruction legislator and author (Carpet-Bag Rule in Florida) John Wallace.

11. Ibid., 526.

12. Ibid., 527.

13. Jacksonville Florida Times-Union, May 3, 16, 20, 30, June 6, 7, 21, 1905.

14. Acts and Resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of Florida, 1905, 99.

15. Meier and Rudwick, "Negro Boycotts," 529. walked, rode bicycles, and again were assisted by black hackmen who reduced their fares from a quarter to a dime and gave priority to serving blacks at the reduced price over white patrons at the regular price. On one occasion Jacksonville police arrested Andrew Black "for ordering a white couple out of his hack because he preferred picking up two Negroes waiting for a ride. When the whites became indignant, Black parked the carriage in front of a nearby stable, unhitched the horses, and walked away."16 In Pensacola blacks began organizing a protest immediately after the streetcar segregation bill was introduced.17

A committee was selected to go to Tallahassee and urge the legislature to reject the proposal. In addition streetcars were boycotted in much the same manner as in Jacksonville. Notwithstanding black protest, the bill was quickly enacted. Ulti mately, the issue was taken to the courts where the state law was declared unconstitutional in the case of Florida v Andrew Patterson. 18 However, the cities of Jacksonville and Pensacola hurriedly passed streetcar segregation ordinances.19 These ordinances were tested in the courts and held to be constitutional by the Supreme Court of Florida. 20 In the shadow of these decisions black protest against segregated streetcars dwindled and eventually faded out. There were reportedly no protests in 1909 when the Florida legislature enacted a constitutionally-sound streetcar segregation law.21

Black Floridians not only protested against injustices and boycotted segregated facilities, they also brought their cases before the Florida courts. As early as 1873 black Tallahasseans filed suit against the operator of a skating rink for denying them entry because of race. Ironically, black Justice of the Peace J. W. Toer dismissed the suit on the ground that the rink was

16. Ibid.; Jacksonville Florida Times-Union, July 24, 25, 1905,

17. Pensacola Journal, April 7, 1905; Tampa Morning Tribune, April 7, 1905. The bill providing for segregated streetcars was introduced by J. Campbell Avery, a Pensacola resident. This had the impact of further infuriating blacks in that city.

18. Florida v Andrew Patterson, Florida Reports, L (1905), 127-33.

19. Jacksonville Florida Times-Union, October 18, 1905; Pensacola Journal, August 23, 24, 25, September 28, 1905.

20. Patterson v Taylor, Southern Reporter, XL (1906), 493-97; L. B. Croom v Fred Shad, ibid., 497-99.

21. Acts and Resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of Florida, 1909, 339-40. private property which its operator could use as he pleased.22

Blacks also petitioned the courts to restore their voting rights. In the case of the State of Florida, Ex Rel Charles Scott v Board of County Commissioners of Jeff erson County, the state supreme court refused to issue a writ of mandamus on the contention that no specific person had been denied the addition of his name to the voting rolls.23 In the State of Florida, Ex Rel Richard Jordan v T. E. Buckman, Jordan sought to have his voting rights restored and argued that he had been purged from the rolls for larceny prior to the 1880 election. The Supreme Court of Florida ruled that under Section 4 of Article XIV of the Constitution of 1868 larceny was grounds for disfranchisement and passed judgement against the plaintiff.24

Blacks also initiated legal actions to end discriminatory selection of juries.25 On March 20, 1906, I. W. Montgomery, a Duval County resident, was convicted of embezzlement in the Criminal Court of Record. He appealed his conviction to the state supreme court challenging the array of jurors. Montgomery con tended that the sheriff of Duval County "did summon only white men to serve as jurors for and during the said week of said court, and did fail and refuse to select any colored men of African descent to serve on the jury as aforesaid, thus discriminating against all colored men of African descent."26 He went on to present evidence that within Duval County at the time of juror summons "many thousand colored men of African descent of approved integrity, fair character, and sound judgment and intelligence and fully qualified for jury duty" were well known to the sheriff.27 Additional evidence showed that

22. Jerrell Shofner, Nor is it Over Yet: Florida in the Era of Reconstruction, 18631877 (Gainesville, 1974), 291.

23. State of Florida, Ex Rel Charles Scott v Board of County Commissioners of Jefferson County, Florida Reports, XVII (1880), 705-22.

24. State of Florida, Ex Rel Richard Jordan v T. E. Buckman, Florida Reports, XVIII (1881), 267-70.

25. Prior to exclusion from juries black jurors and witnesses were oftentimes targets of abuse. In one instance a black witness against a white man was assaulted with a club by the man he testified against, see Jackson, "Republicans and Florida Elections," 152. In another case, black jurors trying Lieutenant Governor Hull for election tampering were assaulted and jeered on the streets for finding the Democrat innocent. This latter situation is addressed in the Jacksonville Florida Union, as reported in the Tal lahassee Weekly Floridian, June 3, 1879.

26. Montgomery v State, Southern Reporter, XLII (1907), 895.

27. Ibid. "for many years . . . when special venires are issued and served . . . the sheriff . . . refuse[d] to select any names of persons of the African race."28 In its January 23, 1907, opinion, the Supreme Court of Florida ruled unanimously in Montgomery's favor, reversed the criminal court judgment, and ordered a new trial at the cost of the county.29

The jury selection for the new trial followed a discriminatory pattern much like that at the earlier trial. The difference was that six of the jurors' names were drawn from the jury box and the other six were selected by the sheriff. Again no black jurors were among the jurors.30 For the second time Montgomery appealed his case to the state supreme court. The court ruled in a split decision in favor of Montgomery, reversed the lower court judgement, and remanded the case. In its decision the Florida Supreme Court held that "an allegation that the `refusal of the sheriff to select any men of African race to serve on the jury is on account of their race, color, and previous condition of servitude' is a sufficient charge of discrimination to entitle defen dant to prove it."31 The state supreme court held to this position in its March 11, 1913, decision in the case of Harry Bonaparte v State of Florida. 32 On June 27, 1916, the state supreme court finally reversed itself in the case of Charles H. Haynes v State of Florida. Haynes was convicted of first degree murder by an allwhite jury in the Hillsborough County Circuit Court. He ap pealed to the Florida Supreme Court and used the same defense as Montgomery and Bonaparte. However, the court ruled unanimously against him. The opinion read in part that "the evidence adduced did not support the allegation . . . that in selecting persons for jury duty the officers `discriminated against Negroes of African descent because of their race, color, or privious condition of servitude' . . . or show any unlawful discrimination in the selection of jurors of which the accused may complain."33

28. Ibid.

29. Ibid., 897.

30. Montgomery v State, 2d., Southern Reporter, XLV (1908), 880.

31. Ibid., 882.

32. Bonaparte's case was identical to Montgomery's, Both sought relief from convictions of embezzlement in the Criminal Court of Record of Duval County and used the same defenses. See Bonaparte v State, Southern Reporter, LXI (1913), 633-38.

33. Haynes v State, Southern Reporter, LXXII (1916), 180-84. Legal action was sometimes an effective mechanism for challenging white supremacy, but with white judges and juries there were limitations to the extent of any changes made in the behalf of blacks. Against the odds blacks seriously considered emigration as a viable response to racial turmoil. While the number of blacks that actually emigrated from the state was small, many considered emigration as a practical alternative for resolving racial conflict. Some even viewed it as an acceptable means for a family or small colony to leave Florida and start all over somewhere else.34 A Palm Beach black in applying for departure stated that, "I desire to know what are the sawable timbers of Liberia as I desire to take with me a mill and fixtures for sawing timber. One hundred and thirty-six good families want to go with me. They comprise men of all trades, including experienced farmers. Our object is to form a settlement of our own, and thus lead to success in Liberia."35 While all along some blacks had left the state, from 1871 to 1910 exactly 100, mostly families, emigrated to Liberia.36 Forty emigrants were from Alachua County, fourteen from Duval, six out of Escambia, five from Madison County, three Jefferson County residents, and one each from Brevard and Marion counties. Another twentysix were from the state at large.37 Table One shows the number of black emigrants to Africa by year and the city or residence where known.

The number of blacks who left Florida as colonists to Liberia was small, but not negligible since emigration entailed a financial burden and further required the severing of family and social ties, and the establishing of new roots in a foreign country. Those leaving, no doubt, felt strongly that conditions abroad had to be better than those within the United States. The two most cited reasons for leaving the country were subordination to whites and job shortages.38 The Jacksonville paper referred

34. Jacksonville Daily Florida Union, November 4, 1876.

35. American Colonization Society, Annual Report of the American Society for Colonizing the Free People of Color of the United States, LXXII (Washington, 1889), 5. Microfilm in the Robert Manning Strozier Library, Florida State University, Tallahassee.

36. Ibid., LIV (1871)-XCIII (1910). Prior to its demise in 1910, the Society assisted approximately 16,500 blacks nationwide to emigrate to Liberia and Sierra Leone.

37. Ibid., LVII (1874), LXII (1879), LXX (1887)-LXV (1892), LXXIX (1896).

38. Ibid., LXI (1877), 9. to Liberia as "a Paradise for the Negro."39

Some blacks who shunned the prospects of emigrating, favorably considered relocating in territorial North America. Will Clemens of Jacksonville, a frequent contributor to the New York Freeman, cited economic exploitation, political oppression, and social degradation as the main reasons why some blacks wished to leave Florida.40 Leon County blacks held a meeting in 1879 to discuss the feasibility of establishing a colony in Kansas or some other western state or territory. Four reasons were given for their desire to leave: unnecessary violence; intimidation and murder of blacks; the absence of governmental protec tion of their property and of individual rights; and economic abuse of the black worker.41

[TABLE 1] FLORIDA BLACK EMIGRANTS TO LIBERIA

Source: American Colonization Society, Annual Report of the American Society for Colonizing the Free People of Color of the United States, LV (Washington, 1872), 10; LVII (1874), 9; LX (1876), 6; LXII (1879), 7; LXXI (1889), 6; LXXII (1890), 3;. LXXIII (1891), 4; LXXIV (1892), 4; LXXV (1893), 4; LXXIX (1897), 3.

Most black Floridians were content to remain in the state and make the best of their circumstances. Nevertheless, many

39. Jacksonville Florida Times-Union, January 16, 1890.

40. Martin Dann, The Black Press, 1827-1890: The Quest for National Identity (New York, 1971), 285-86.

41. Tallahassee Weekly Floridian, October 28, 1879. of these resolved to establish their own residential neighborhoods within Florida cities. Large numbers moved into the de veloping cities and the established urban centers.42 Substantial numbers later migrated to central, southern, and southwestern Florida. While churches sprang up and served as symbols of spiritual hope and aspiration, there still was the need for physical protection, Black communities developed, in part, as protec tion from sometimes hostile white majorities. Inadvertently, such organization perpetrated black social, political, and economic awareness. It also served to create a social structure where the dream of justice and equality could be established among peers.

In 1882 Frenchtown was a developing black community in the northwestern section of Tallahassee.43 Residential development was also on the rise among blacks in Appalachicola where more blacks than whites were constructing houses.44 In 1887 a black community was emerging west of Coconut Grove in Dade County .45 Six years later, housing booms were occurring in East Jacksonville and St. Petersburg, thriving black population centers.46 On Florida's Atlantic coast communities also sprang up in the newly developing towns and cities. Pompano Beach, Dania, Hallandale and points south each had its designated black quarters. These sections varied in size but generally were small. For example, the black community in Fort Pierce was comprised of a couple of houses isolated from the dominant white segments of the city. 47 In 1904 Fort Lauderdale's quarter consisted of seven houses and two stores.48

Discrimination and segregation contributed to the emergence of Black Town, also called "OverTown," in Miami. Black Town was located in Miami's northwest section and expanded in a northwesterly direction. It comprised about fifteen

42. U. S. Bureau of Census, Ninth Census of the United States, Florida (Washington, 1871), 18-19, 97-99. In this census, towns of 2,500 and more were classified as urban centers.

43. Tallahassee Weekly Floridian, October 28, 1879.

44. Jacksonville Daily Florida Union, May 24, 1882.

45. Miami Herald, May 6, 1973.

46. Jacksonville Evening Telegram, July 27, 1893.

47. Martin County Historical Society, The History of Martin County (Hutchinson Island, 1975), 176; Kyle S. VanLandingham, Pictorial History of Saint Lucie County, 1865-1910 (Fort Pierce, 1976), 38; Bill McGoun, Hallandale (Boynton Beach, 1976), 45.

48. Bill McGoun, A Biographic History of Broward County (Miami, 1972), 34. per cent of the city's original area. Blacks owned most of the business district which ran a stretch of one-half mile. At the turn of the century the business district included a grocery and general mechandise store, an ice cream parlor, pharmacy, funeral house, clubhouses, rooming places, soft drink plant, professional offices, and numerous food and entertainment establish ments.49 The Reverend S. W. Brown, formerly of South Carolina, owned and managed the Colored Town Bargain Store; Henry Reeves of the Bahamas published the Miami Times; Kelsey Pharr was proprietor of the funeral home and developer of the community's first cemetery; Richard Toomey was the first black lawyer in South Florida and established his office in Colored Town; and Dana A. Dorsey was the recognized leader of the neighborhood, owning extensive land, business, and related holdings.50 Between 1904 and 1915 there were no fewer than six doctors and three practical nurses in Black Town.51

Most black sections of established towns never became very large and were enclosed by white residential developments. Blacks were not legally restricted from living in white neighborhoods until the early twentieth century. Nevertheless, they were excluded in fact from the developing white areas.52 Such a practice was more by custom than anything else, but black prefer ence in some instances cannot be overruled. The fact that black communities were generally surrounded by white ones limited their expansion. Consequently, new ones began to appear.53 Unfortunately, wherever it was located black housing was often inadequate. Relatively few blacks could afford to buy or build their own homes, or to pay the high rents requested by white absentee property owners. In St. Petersburg and Miami this accounted for the modest rent housing lived in by most blacks. A large percentage of the available housing was substandard by every definition. Some lived in run-down shanties and shacks.

49. Paul S. George, "Colored Town: Miami's Black Community, 1896-1930," Florida Historical Quarterly, LVI (April 1978), 432.

50. Ibid., 435, 438.

51. John Gordon DuPuis, History of Early Medicine . . . in Dade County (Miami, 1954), 17, 77. The doctors were S. M. Frazier, W. B. Sawyer, J. A. Butler, W. A. Chapman, and Dr. Culp and Dr. Holly. The practical nurses were Hattie Brooks, Fannie Goodwin, and Bertha Turner.

52. Karl H. Grismer, The Story of St. Petersburg: The History of Lower Pinellas Peninsula and the Sunshine City (St. Petersburg, 1948), 189.

53. Ibid.; George, "Colored Town," 435, 438, 440. Few had plumbing, and almost none were painted.54 A few managed to buy homes and properties.55 These owners placed em phasis on beautifying and increasing the value and appearance of their holdings.56 In St. Petersburg, William Tanner was reported to have made "quite an addition to his neat home on Ninth Street." J. S. Tanner had "his neat cottage," also located on Ninth Street, "ceiled last week." G. B. McDaniel had "an addition put on his neat cottage on 10th Street," and Grant G. Gray was "having his neat cottage on Ninth Street painted."57

In an attempt to protect the neighborhood from white outbursts and criticisms, black community members took it upon themselves to confront internal social ills such as idleness. One anonymous critic wrote: "I am kicking on the young healthy Negroes loafing on the streets of our beautiful little city. They are the fellows that keep us that are trying to elevate ourselves down at the door of poverty. We ask the good people of this place to give them grass to cut on the streets if nothing more."58 They also provided positive publicity for community successes.59 In part it was exclusion from white society that stimulated the emergence of black communities. Blacks in most communities owned the business districts which could run a stretch of one-half mile as in Miami, a few blocks in St. Petersburg, or only a couple of houses in Fort Pierce. These business districts contained grocery and general merchandise stores, ice cream parlors, pharmacies, funeral homes, clubhouses, rooming places, soft drink stands, food and entertainment establishments, and professional offices.60

Churches, schools, and social halls were the primary forums within the black community. Social activities such as minstrel shows, bazaars, festivals, parades, athletic contests, and excursions were planned and organized in these institutions. Secret fraternal organizations and orders, civic, business, self-help, and political gatherings used them to hold meetings. As a rule, most prominent blacks came from these institutions. Among them

54. Grismer, Story of St. Petersburg, 189.

55. St. Petersburg Times, November 8, 1902.

56. Ibid.

57. Ibid., November 29, 1902.

58. Ibid., July 5, 1902.

59. Ibid., September 20, 1902.

60. George, "Colored Town," 438-39 were clergymen, doctors, dentists, lawyers, school teachers, and principals.61

Black communities organized for self-help and protection. The merchants, social activists, and politicians joined together to fight against impoverished conditions, congestion, and the associated disease and crime in the cities. These poor and inadequate conditions included unpaved roads, insufficient light ing, uncleared wilderness areas, poor wages, unfair labor practices, lack of sanitary facilities, poor quality schools, and low quantity and quality housing. In Miami several organizations were established to deal with these kinds of social problems. These included the Colored Board of Trade which was founded in 1916; the North Miami Improvement Association, established in 1917; Negro Uplift Association of Dade County organized in 1919; and the Civic League of Colored Town.62

In spite of the institutions and community awareness that developed in the black sections of established towns, it must not be forgotten that city administration was in the hands of the whites. However, Florida had at least one black incorporated city during the latter part of the nineteenth century and that city still exists today. The town of Eatonville was first settled in 1883 by a small group of blacks who had fled from Maitland and areas north in response to the pressuring of local blacks to move to another area.63 On August 14, 1887, twenty-seven registered voters met in the public hall of the town and voted unanimously to incorporate. As a result Eatonville became an all black chartered community. The city had its own city government and provided public services to residents.64 The establish ment of the town of Eatonville gave blacks the opportunity to govern their affairs. Little has been written about this historic community. It is known, however, that the town faced similar problems as those confronted by the black inhabitants of white

61. Howard N. Rabinowitz, Race Relations in the Urban South, 1865-1890 (New York, 1978), 90.

62. Jerrell H. Shofner, "Florida and the Black Migration," Florida Historical Quarterly, LVII (January 1979), 271-80.

63. Glatting-Lopez and Associates, A Comprehensive Plan for Eatonville, Florida (Winter Park, 1978), 3. The town was named for Josiah Eaton, a white Floridian who had established Maitland. Eaton offered to sell blacks a large parcel of land one mile to the west of Maitland for settlement. Joseph Clarke bought the land and later sold it to any blacks wishing to settle there.

64. Ibid., 3-4. controlled cities. County services were poor, expansion was limited, and white injustices were perpetrated against those who ventured outside of the town's boundaries.65

Blacks reacted against segregation practices in a number of different ways. They establishd their own social and cultural institutions within established white-controlled cities; protested against disfranchisement, racial segregation and discrimination; filed suits in the courts; sponsored boycotts of unfair transporters; encouraged emigration; and established black com munities. While this is not an exhaustive study of the types and means of the black reaction, it does show that blacks in Florida actively fought against white supremacy in the state. Though in many ways the fight was a losing one, there were several noteworthy successes.

65. Ibid., 4; Adley Associates, Inc., Eatonville, Florida: A General Development Plan (Sarasota, 1973), 4.

A LETTER written by Francis Philip Fatio, who settled in East Florida in 1771 and remained there until his death in 1811, was recently discovered among some papers in a desk given to The National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Florida for use in the Ximenez-Fatio House in St. Augustine. Written by Fatio from New Switzerland, his plantation on the St. Johns River, to his wife in St. Augustine, the letter is dated October 18, 1800. It provides not only intimate glimpses of life on an East Florida plantation during the Second Spanish Period and information on the crops being grown, but also some personal perceptions of the troubled years following the American Revolution, in par titular the rebellion in East Florida in 1795 and the threat of invasion by William Augustus Bowles, self-styled director-general of the State of Muskogee, and his followers in 1800.

Mr. Fatio was seventy-six years old when he wrote this letter.1 Born in Vevey, Switzerland in 1724, he was the second son of a prominent and prosperous family whose Swiss ancestors dated back to the sixteenth century. After initially studying law, Fatio decided upon a military career. Joining the Swiss Troops in service to the king of Sardinia, he fought with the Sardinian forces allied with England against France in the War of the Austrian Succession. While on leave in Nice, the young officer met Marie Madeleine Crispell, and they were married in 1748. Leaving the military service, Fatio bought property near Nice

William Scott Willis is professor of French, George Mason University, Fairfax, Virginia. He thanks The National Society of Colonial Dames of America in the State of Florida for permission to publish his translation of the document.

1. Three books written by descendants of F. P. Fatio contain detailed information about the Fatio family: Susan L'Engle, Notes of my family and Recollections of my early life (New York, 1888); Gertrude L'Engle, A Collection of Letters, Information and Data on Our Family, 2 vols. (Jacksonville, 1951); and Margaret Seton Fleming Biddle, Hibernia: The Unreturning Tide (New York, 1947). which contained "sweet orange trees . . . lime trees . . . choice fruit trees . . . olive trees . . . and vineyards." He also took pride in its system of irrigation: "a large well supplied with water and a pump worked with a wheel to fill a large stone cistern or basin, from which the rows of orange trees are watered in the summer by canals running alongside."2 This early experience in cultivating the soil was undoubtedly of benefit to Fatio when he settled his Florida plantations some twenty years later.

Leaving his property near Nice in the care of an overseer, Fatio moved to Geneva in 1756 with his wife and young son. Five years later, he took his family to London where they spent the next ten years. It was then that the reports being circulated by the British about the advantages of settling in their newlyacquired Florida province began to fire his imagination. He formed a partnership with four others to acquire land there which he agreed to manage. In 1771 Fatio chartered a ship and set sail from England with his wife, their five children ranging in age from nineteen to three, and their household possessions.3 Arriving in St. Augustine, Fatio prospered, both as merchant and planter. It is reported he was soon able to keep a vessel "constantly plying between the New and Old World, carrying the products of the one and bringing back comforts and luxuries from the other."4 A grant of 400 acres near Mill Cove on the south side of the St. Johns River was obtained by an agent for the partners. This tract (known today as the Fort Caroline Club Estates), together with some 350 adjoining acres which Fatio later purchased, was named Newcastle.5

It was here that William Bartram visited in 1774: "stop't at Monr. Facio's who has a very large Indigo Plantation, on a high

2. Power of attorney written by Fatio and published in G. L'Engle, Collection of Letters, I, 22.

3. All the children (Louis, Francis Philip, Jr., Louisa, Sophia, and Philip) reached adulthood. They and their descendants continued to play a prominent role in Florida history. Many still live in Florida, although none bear the name of Fatio. Fatio's great-grandson, Francis Philip Fleming, served as governor of Florida from 1889 to 1893 and was the president of the Florida Historical Society from 1906 until his death in 1908.

4. S. L'Engle, Notes of my family, 10.

5. Works Progress Administration, Historical Records Survey, Spanish Land Grants in Florida, 5 vols. (Tallahassee, 1940-1941): III, Confirmed claim F 12. The New Castle plantation (named after Neufch_tel in Switzerland) included several small islands, one of which still bears the name. There is also New Castle Creek which flowed through the Fatio property. Hill on Et. side of the River. This very civil gentleman showed me his improvements. his Garden is very neat & contains a greater variety than any other in the Coliny, he has a variety of European Grapes imported from the Streight, Olives, Figs, Pomgranates, Filberts, Oranges, Lemons, a variety of garden flowers, from Europe etc. we dined with him, then continued up the River. . . ."6

Fatio also obtained a land grant of 10,000 acres on the east side of the St. Johns, with a river front of twelve miles, which he named New Switzerland (site of the present town of Switzerland). Located about thirty miles north of St. Augustine, this became the country residence of the family, and it was here that Fatio spent most of his time as planter.7

When the American Revolution broke out, East Florida remained loyal to the British crown and became a haven for the Loyalists forced out of the colonies to the north. Fatio shared their hope that the British would not give up the province. To help make sure this would not happen, he wrote in 1782 a lengthy report, significant for its commentaries on forest conservation as well as for its emotional appeal, entitled "Considera tions on the Importance of the Province of East Florida to the Empire (on the supposition that it will be deprived of its Southern Colonies) by its Situation, its produce in Naval Stores, Ship lumber, & the Asylum it may afford the Wretched & Distressed Loyalists."8 When the province was retroceded to Spain in 1783, Fatio was among the few who decided to remain. All his children and virtually all his property were here; he was too deeply rooted in the East Florida soil to leave. Thus his interests and those of the Spanish government became one. By 1785 the Spanish governor would recommend him in these terms: "Since the beginning of His Majesty's rule he has exerted himself enthusiastically in the Spanish interest, not only by words but by deeds, supplying the ordinary rations to the detachments stationed on the banks of the St. Johns River, to say nothing of other effects of benefit to the royal service made necessary by the lack of money with which to procure them. He, as well as

6. William Bartram, "Travels in Georgia and Florida, 1773-74: A Report to Dr. John Fothergill" American Philosophical Society Transactions (Philadelphia, 1943), 145.

7. Spanish Land Grants in Florida, III, Confirmed claim F 13.

8. G. L'Engle, Collections of Letters, I, 188-89. his son, Lewis, continue to carry out to my satisfaction the commission which I entrusted to them of exercising primary juris diction in quarrels originating among British subjects."9

Mr. Fatio saw clearly the potential, as well as the danger, inherent in the conditions then in existence in East Florida. In a document entitled "Description of East Florida," remarkable for its candor and prophetic vision, he informed the Spanish government in March 1785 that the evacuation of the English had caused the province to become a desert guarded by Spanish troops, that the few Spanish subjects who had come were not tillers of the soil, that the government should encourage more settlement and undertake the revival of maritime trade in order to export the wood of all kinds available, as well as tar, rosin, and turpentine. He warned that troops from the new American republic could easily invade the back country of the Spanish provinces and that the Indians would renew their pillages if strong measures were not taken. 10 That conditions quickly worsened is evident in the letter the governor sent to the Cond_ de G_lvez, captain-general of the province, shortly thereafter. Speaking again of Fatio and his son Lewis, he wrote: "I must add here that, considering the usefulness and worth of these men, I have thought it proper to place a guard consisting of a sergeant and eight men on Fatio's hacienda (the only one left in the province) on the St. Johns River, in the hope that their industry and intelligence will serve as an inspiration to others to imitate them."11

The Spanish decided somewhat belatedly in 1790 to offer land grants to new settlers without requiring them to become Catholics. A few of those who came however, primarily from Georgia, soon got the notion of taking over the province and making it into an independent Republic of Florida. Some of their actions are alluded to in Fatio's letter which follows. The

9. Vicente Manuel de Z_spedes to Bernardo de G_lvez, February 28, 1785, East Florida Papers, reel 16, bundle 40 [hereinafter cited as EFP, with appropriate reel and bundle numbers], microfilm in Library of Congress, Washington, and the P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History, University of Florida, Gainesville. See John W. Caughey, ed., East Florida, 1783-1785. A File of Documents Assembled and Many of Them Translated by Joseph Byrne Lockey (Berkeley, 1949), 461-62.

10. This document was forwarded by Z_spedes to Cond_ de G_lvez under date of March 18, 1795, EFP, reel 16, bundle 40; Caughey, East Florida, 479-82.

11. Caughey, East Florida, 572. letter is written in French, the language Mr. Fatio and his wife commonly used in writing to each other.

Addressed to:

Mrs. Fatio care of Davy St. Augustin New Switzerland October 18, 1800 Saturday

My dearly beloved Marion,

I intended to write you yesterday and send my letter this morning replying to your sweet letter of the 15th and 16th. After dinner we saw a boat with two sails coming up that turned out to be Patron Estacholy,12 who was carrying provisions to the detachment at Picolata.13 From him we learned that on the 15th the troops of the King, commanded by Capt. Castilla,14 had set out with our Militia Dragoons under the command of Capt. Macqueen,15 Atkinson, 16 Hall,17 etc. in order to go to St. Marys18

12. Probably Domingo Estacholy, master of the schooner Santa Catalina, which was used to transport ammunition to the St. Johns battery, or his father, Francisco Estacholy, skipper of the post office canoes of the St. Johns and St. Mars rivers, who had moved to San Vicente Ferrer from St. Augustine in 1789. See White to Juan McQueen, September 12, 1801, EFP, reel 85, bundle 201 F 16; Spanish Land Grants in Florida, IV, Confirmed claim K 21; 1793 Census Return, St. Augustine, EFP, reel 148, bundle 323 A.

13. Fort on the east bank of the St. Johns just west of St. Augustine.

14. Manuel Castilla, captain in the Spanish troops garrisoned in St. Augustine, had been appointed commander of the joint troops in the expedition against Bowles by Governor White. See White to Castilla, EFP, reel 55, bundle 135 E 11. A list of Spanish officers by rank and name appears in Morales to White, April 9, 1801, EFP, reel 67, bundle 160 D 13.

15. John McQueen was then commander of the militia on the St. Johns and St. Marys rivers. See the correspondence exchanged in 1800 between Governor White and McQueen, EFP, reel 53, bundle 135 E 11. For information on McQueen, see Walter Charlton Hartridge, ed., The Letters of Don Juan McQueen to his Family: Written from Spanish East Florida 1791-1807 (Columbia, SC, 1943), xxi-xxxiv, 1-84.

16. Andrew Atkinson settled in Florida following the royal order in 1790. He was active in a number of military expeditions against the Georgia rebel invaders between 1793 and 1796. Las Casas, governor general in Cuba, recommended in 1795 that both Atkinson and McQueen be accorded recognition for their outstanding efforts. See Las Casas to Camp Alange, Ar chivo General de Indias, Santo Domingo, legajo 2564. White appointed Atkinson commander of the militia in June 1800, McQueen to White, June 18, 1800, EFP, reel 55, bundle 135 E 11. See also Richard K. Murdoch, The Georgia-Florida Frontier, 1793-1796: Spanish Reaction to French Intrigue and American Designs (Berkeley, 1951), 63-64, 108-09, 124-25.

17. Nathaniel Hall was already a captain in the rural militia at the time rebel forces seized the small outpost of Juana in June 1795 (see notes 26-31). and join there a militia detachment from Georgia and encounter Bowles and the Indians.19 This news has given me much satisfaction, being the best plan that one could devise to stave off those looters and stop them in their scheme.20

Estacholy told us that Mr. Macqueen was in high spirits, as were all the troops, that they had fifteen days of provisions-little ammunition because the launch had not arrived.21 If the Americans side with us, as I hope, and if our troops don't fall into some ambush, we shall soon be delivered from all danger. They have jailed in Newton one of Bowles's partisans who I hope will not escape like Bob Allen.22

McQueen called Hall "a plain honest Man." Hartridge, Letters of McQueen, 68.

18. St. Marys, Georgia; the inhabitants of East Florida habitually referred to it as New Town or Newton. See McQueen to White, July 4, 1800, EFP, reel 55, bundle 135 E 11; Murdoch, Georgia-Florida Frontier, 4.

19. McQueen notified the Spanish government in September 1800 of word he had received "from our confidential correspondent at St. Marys, advising us of Bowles's intention of paying us a visit, and from every circumstance, I am induced to believe we shall hear of him in a few days on the banks of the St. Marys, where he expects to be united by the rebels from Florida." McQueen to Morales, September 27, 1800, EFP, reel 55, bundle 135 E 11. A short time later McQueen accepted appointment to the command of the militia. McQueen to Morales, October 10, 1800, EFP, reel 55, bundle I35 E 11. Governor White then drew up a formal set of instructions containing twenty-five articles on how the expedition against Bowles should proceed and how the troops were to coordinate their efforts with the American detachment from Georgia. See White to Castilla, October 11, 1800, EFP, ibid. Spanish agents in Georgia helped frustrate the designs of Bowles. One. William Ashley, alerted McQueen that Bowles planned to camp on the south side of the St. Marys on October 16, Bowles to Ashley, October 16, 1800, ibid. Another, David Garven, hearing that money had been deposited in St. Marys to purchase powder and ball for Bowles, went to the different stores in the town and bought up all available powder, McQueen to White, November 9, 1800, ibid.

20. Before he was captured and imprisoned in Havana, Bowles hoped that with the aid of discontented whites in Georgia, a motley assortment of Indians. and Spanish rebels, he could take possession of East Florida. His plan was "to plunder the plantations and burn the Town of Augustine, by which means to drive the inhabitants into the Fort and so starve them out." See Seagrove to McQueen, January 31, 1801, EFP, reel 55, bundle 136 F 11.

21. The armed launch, San Agustin, was used to transport supplies and ammunition to the troops at the various outposts. See White to Castilla, October 11, 1800, EFP, reel 85, bundle 200 E 16. Its sailing from St. Augustine was delayed because of contrary winds, so rations for eight days were sent by horseback, Morales to Clark, October 17, 1800, ibid.

22. In addition to being an elusive prisoner, Alien was a recruiter for Bowles and a notorious horse thief. He escaped from Seagrove's party from Georgia Dr. Travers is mistaken when he says that the Indians in Bowles's party are not from among those of the territory ceded to the Americans.23 It is an assorted pack from all the nationsChiahas, Cowetas, Hitchitis and a number of High Creeks, who are American, as well as those of Alachua. Even some kinsmen of Paine and some Mickasoukies, who are Floridian.24 In the proclamation of the Governor of Georgia which I have at hand, he acknowledges that the United States is obliged by the fifth article to join in common cause with us and by the decrees of Congress to prevent any Citizen or other inhabitant from joining with Bowles unless he is so authorized by the English or is acting as a vagabond: those are its terms. The proclamation is dated July 8th and there is no doubt that there are orders from the President for sending troops to join ours in order to go and attack Bowles.25

We were expecting Estacholy for dinner on his way back and to learn more news from Piccolata, but the wind is blowing so strongly from the west, which is directly against him, that he would not be able to get down the river. NB: He got down after I went to bed. I assure you my dear Friend, that this news has greatly calmed our fears. If Quesada26 had acted in the same

after being captured along the St. Marys with twelve horses he had stolen, Seagrove to McQueen, June 28, 1800, EFP, reel 55, bundle 135 E 11.

23. Dr. Thomas Travers, a native of Ireland, had been stationed in East Florida as an army surgeon under the British. He also remained there after the cession of the province to Spain. His home in St. Augustine was on Hospital (now Aviles) Street. See Census Returns, St. Augustine, 1793, EFP, reel 148, bundle 323 A. The Fatio residence was on Marine Street, now the site of a wax museum.

24. Payne was the principal chief of the Alachua group of Seminoles. Payne accompanied Francis P. Fatio, Jr., to Miccosukee in 1801 to try to obtain the return of some of his father's slaves who had been stolen. Bowles treated Fatio with civility, and they recognized each other as having been in garrison together in New York in 1783, when Bowles was a provincial officer. Not only were the slaves not returned, the Miccosukee Indians also stole Fatio's horses. See Fatio to White. November 12, 1801, EFP, reel 83, bundle 197 B 16.

25. Proclamation of Governor James Jackson, Louisville, July 8, 1800. Fatio may have had a copy of the Savannah newspapner, Columbian Museum & Savannah Advertiser, which published the proclamation on July 15, 1800. See copy in EFP, reel 55, bundle 135 E 11. This refers to the Pinckney Treaty of 1795. Its fifth article stipulates that both parties "shall maintain peace and harmony among the several Indian nations" and that no treaty of alliance "shall be made by either party with the Indians."

26. Juan Nepomuceno Quesada had replaced Z_spedes as governor in 1790. Fatio's relations with Quesada were not as cordial as those with Z_spedes. [picture caption] FRANCIS PHILIP FATIO Original oil minature on display at the Ximenez-Fatio House, St. Augustine. Photograph courtesy of The National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Florida. way when Lang27 came to attack Cowford,28 after his party had captured Wheeler29 and burned the redoubt at Juana30 on June 26th 1795, they would not have come to take Cowford on July 10th.31 May God inspire our leaders and give success to our expedition which will decide our fate.

We have had rain every day since Fleming's32 arrival, except

Fatio had offered to help the government during the 1795 rebellion, but due to the number of Spanish subjects who took part in the rebellion, especially those who came from the United States after 1790, the governor began to suspect some he had previously considered loyal, including Fatio. He noted that the corn provided by Fatio "was worm eaten and of little usefulness." See Quesada to Las Casas, July 13, 1795, EFP, reel 129, bundle 294 P 12. Fatio seems to suggest that Enrique White, who became governor in 1796, was a better military strategist than Quesada.

27. Richard Lang had settled in Florida earlier and owned a plantation along the St. Marys. Suspected of treason at the time some Americans sympathetic to the French Republic were planning an invasion of East Florida in 1793, he was indicted with a number of others and put in prison. After being released in January 1795 for lack of evidence, these men moved north of the St. Marys River into Georgia. Lang first sought compensation for his persecution, Lang to Quesada, February 27, May 10, 1795, EFP, reel 83, bundle 196 A 16. Then he began to organize troops for a Florida invasion. They first attacked Fort Juana, which had been built on the King's Road at the present-day Ribault River in April 1794, Atkinson to Howard, April 21, 1794, EFP, reel 50, bundle 126 S 10.

28. Cow Ford was the name used in referring to the narrow river crossing at the Pass of San Nicolas. It was also used to identify the battery of St. Nicolas.

29. Isaac Wheeler was commander of the twelve-man militia at Fort Juana. All were taken prisoner. See Howard to Morales, July 4, 1795, Archivo General de Indias, Papeles procedentes de Cuba, legajo 1438. Microfilm in Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington [hereinafter AGI, PC].

30. Also referred to as Fort Jane. See Isaac Wheeler to Charles Howard, December 9, 1794, EFP, reel, 51, bundle 127 J 10. One reason the dates and details remain so clear in Fatio's mind is that Lang's men took 114 head of cattle, which Fatio had contracted to buy as the meat supply of the province, several horses, and a Negro belonging to Fatio, Fleming to Morales, July 3, 1795, AGI, PC, 1438.

31. After their success at Juana, Lang and his men decided to cross the St. Johns River again in small boats and attack the two-gun battery at San Nicolas. Three of the garrison were killed and some twenty-eight men were taken prisoner, Quesada to Las Casas, July 25, 1795, AGI, PC, 1438. The Spanish forces recaptured the battery on July 12 and took several of the enemy prisoner, but Lang and the others escaped. See Janice Barton Miller, "The Rebellion in East Florida in 1795," Florida Historical Quarterly, LVII (October 1978), 181-84.

32. George Fleming married Fatio's daughter Sophia in 1788. He served as captain of the urban militia, EFP, reel 146, bundle 32. He was also paymaster of the St. Johns militia at the time of the 1795 rebellion. See Atkinson to Morales, May 2 1, 1795, EFP, reel 51, bundle 128 K 10. Fleming continued to perform many services for the Spanish government. for today, which has stopped our picking cotton;33 and not being able to dry the picked cotton, we were obliged to stop ginning yesterday. As of the 16th we had already ginned 4324 pounds of raw cotton and as of this morning we had baled 17 bales of cotton-3667 pounds-from this year. This evening we shall finish another bale of 276 pounds, which will bring us close to 4000 pounds of cotton. We have put aside the 19 bales for Mr. Henry which weigh 5006 lbs. We have remaining 11 Bales which weigh 2954 lbs; one from this evening weighed 296. That will make 3250 lbs. which I plan to send to you in town by Arnau with all we are able to bale later.34 We only have enough ginned cotton for two medium-sized bales, but as the weather has turned dry again, and since we have on hand 960 lbs. of picked cotton-we shall begin our work again next Tuesday and every two days we shall be able to gin a large bale. Meanwhile Mr. Fleming has four Negroes at the gins; and I hope that next week all his picked cotton will be ginned and baled and ready to be sent with ours; he will have 33 good bales and some left over.35

I received with pleasure the coffee, sugar, and onions. We need some pencils. I don't have a drop of wine, which is a great inconvenience. Yesterday I drank some toddy at dinner which, although extremely weak, made me unwell. Today I wanted to drink some pure lemonade without Brandy; it made my breathing short; fortunately I had in reserve the sole bottle of wine from the cases and I drank half of it; the rest will be for tomorrow. The 5 broken bottles did me a great disservice; on the return trip of the Negro I hope you will send me several bottles in the warlets.36 I would like very much to receive a couple of

33. Fatio noted that he began to plant cotton in 1793 and soon found that "one good acre of Cotton can very well purchase the Corn of ten acres when the price is not exorbitant," Fatio to McQueen, March 12, 1801, EFP, reel 55, bundle 136 F 11.

34. Possibly Jos_ Arnau, a Minorcan who lived in St. Augustine.

35. Fleming's cotton probably came from his plantation, Hibernia, which was on the opposite side of the St. Johns from New Switzerland. This seems substantiated by the fact that in July 1800, "four of Captain George Fleming's Negroes" were taken by the Indians "on the opposite of St. Johns River." See Hall to White, July 8, 1800, EFP, reel 55, bundle 135 E 11.

36. The "warlet" or wallet was evidently some type of saddle bag placed on the back of the horse to send supplies back and forth between New Switzerland and St. Augustine. The dates of the letters exchanged by Fatio and his wife suggest that such a trip was made every few days. dozen by Arnau. We have enough tobacco, but we are going to be able to count the days until we need salt. If you have some, send me a barrel of it. We expect to kill a lamb tomorrow morning at dawn-you shall have half of it.37 Fleming believes that a piece of it would give the Governor pleasure, if Dr. Travers is willing to let him eat it. 38 I shall not be able to send you any fresh butter because we do not have any hogslard to season our winter squash, etc. Our cows go too far away looking for good pasture. Today Gray put them in the upcountry fields so we will be able to have them early in the evenings and also get more milk.39 We shall save the cream which Mary gives me a little of every evening in my tea, if the cows don't come back.40

Our cotton fields promise an abundant harvest if we are not stopped by the Frost. I don't believe we have yet picked a fourth of the cotton, although what we have already picked amounts to 5388 lbs. reduced to net weight, or 1347 baskets of 12 lbs. calculated at 4 lbs. net.41 I hope that Mr. Henry will want to buy our oranges and take them when he comes to load his cotton.42

37. Fatio had some 150 sheep. See Fatio's Census Return, February 27, 1801, EFP, reel, 55, bundle 136 F 11.

38. Governor Enrique White. Dr. Travers was, until his death in 1807, principal physician of the Royal Hospital of Our Lady of Guadalupe. He was both physician to and friend of Governor White.

39. Juan Gray, a free mulatto, was field foreman of the plantation. See Fatio's Census Return, February 27, 1801, ibid.

40. Reared by her grandparents, Mary Fatio, then twelve years old, was the only child of Louis Fatio and his first wife, Ann Douglas, daughter of John Douglas, colonel in the British Army and commandant in St. Augustine during the Revolutionary War. Ann died of a throat infection in 1788, soon after Mary's birth, and was buried at New Switzerland. Louis was later asked by Fatio to return to Europe to manage the family property there. Louis settled near Nice in 1792, remaining there until he died of the plague in 1799. G. L'Engle, Collection of Letters, II, 12.

41. If the 5,388 lbs. of picked cotton was a fourth of the crop, the total yield Fatio expected that year would be over 20,000 lbs. The average yield at that time was 200 lbs. of cotton per acre. One may surmise then chat around 100 acres were planted in cotton at New Switzerland.

42. Oranges became an increasingly important crop at New Switzerland. The master of a schooner reported having loaded 165,000 oranges and 5,700 lemons at the Fatio plantation in 1831 for shipment to New York. Papers, Jacksonville Historical Society (Jacksonville, 1949), II, 17. The extensive groves, containing some 3,000 trees, surrounded the house on all sides except the one facing the river and remained productive until their destruction by frost in 1835. G. L'Engle, Collection of Letters, II, 17. Dr. Paul Schuler, Florida Department of Agriculture and Consumer Services, reports that it was customary to plant forty-nine orange seedlings per acre during the 1700s. There must have been then about sixty acres of orange trees on the plantation. The letter he wrote me is very satisfactory, and I hope you will have received delivery of the Libranza for a thousand piastres before my letter reaches you.43 However, one cannot always count on promises.

If we are not chased out of here, I shall soon have some very fine salad greens. 44 I am sending you some asparagus-a little small-but it is a rarity. My garden appears promising, and it is just about in order. I have planted cabbage, onions, carrots, mustard, beets, spinach, parsnip, horseradish, and some garlic from that which you sent me, most of which was stolen by the Negroes to make necklaces against yellow fever. Send me some more of the same which was very fine and good. I didn't have enough to plant three rows, and I have three more which are waiting.

I would have liked very much to have some chicory and some blite, as well as some sweet potatoes. Then my garden would be complete for winter. Not a seed of the cauliflower which Farley sent came up. We do not have any English peas, or any beans. Dr. Travers could get some for me-the peas from the Minorcans and the beans from the Commandant. Morning of the 19th

I have in the second drawer of my big desk, on the left, a pound of gunpowder in a hidden packet. Please be so kind as to send it to me . . . [illegible words] . . . my main food with fish and pigeons, because I am not able to eat any salted meat. I am writing to the Doctor to ask him to get us some powder from the Government and some ball.

Goodbye, my dear Friend, I am wrapped up in my winter clothes. This cold weather doesn't bother me as it did last year. I am better in mind and spirit, and am of good cheer. Love me without worrying. I shall be happier. But I would not know how, nor would I be able, to love you more. If Frantney wishes to have our sheep, he must find a pasture for them other than the garden. I have just given the rest of my tea, half a box, which will last us nine days. I shall send you on

43. Libranza - Spanish contract of exchange.

44. Some Indians had already declared they intended to ransack every plantation along the St. Johns, beginning with Fatio's. See Fatio to White, June 25, 1800, EFP, reel 55, bundle 135 E 11. the wagon the 6 lbs. Goodbye. Your devoted husband and loving companion.

F. Fatio

We are all well and I do not have a single Negro sick. We have finished the molasses which was very helpful to us for our sick.

Mary is sending some cakes to her cousins.45 What suit will you give me to wear when I go to town? My old white suit?

Have someone look again at my velvet suits, re-sew the buttons and make the lining straight at the bottom, which folds out from the inside. The tailor can do that without my being there. It is not worth the bother of my having a suit made of new material for the remaining months I have to live. I think this winter, if it is severe, will not spare me. Please make me several pills of roasted rhubarb. I fear my diarrhea.

Fatio's concern about the cold weather was due to the fact that the preceding winter had been an extraordinarily severe one, with much snow and frost. The January 1800 snowstorm developed into the greatest recorded in the history of the region. Near the mouth of the St. Marys, over five inches of snow fell on January 10, 1800, the deepest snowfall known to have fallen in Florida.46 The frost damaged his cotton crop, the deer

45. The cousins included five Fatio grandchildren living in St. Augustine. Louis Michael Fleming, son of George Fleming and Sophia Fatio, was then two years old. Others were Francis Joseph Fatio and his sister Sophia, children of Philip Fatio and his wife, Jane Cross, who had died in 1795. Also living with their grandparents were Louisa and Eliza Fatio, daughters of Francis P. Fatio, Jr. and his first wife, Susan Hunter, who had died in 1799. See G. L'Engle, Collection of Letters, I, 48-49. Louisa Fatio, who never married, later owned the house on Aviles Street in St. Augustine now known as the Ximenez-Fatio House. Listed on the National Register of Historic Places, it is the museum of The National Society of the Colonial Dames in the State of Florida.

46. The Journal of Andrew Ellicott, 1706-1800 (Philadelphia, 1814), Appendix 121. Ellicott's Journal also carried an account of a freeze on February 19-20, 1800, when there was a "smart frost," water congealed nine feet from the fire, and ice formed one-sixth of an inch thick. Andrew Ellicott, "Astronomical and thermometrical observatons made on the boundary between the United and His Catholic Majesty," American Philosophical Soci ety Transactions, V (Philadelphia, 1802; reprint ed., New York, 1966), 281. See also David M. Ludlum, Early American Winters, 1604-1820 (Boston, 1966), 160-62. destroyed his pumpkins and peas, and the dry spell in the spring limited his corn harvest to about 1,000 bushels.47

His physical ailments also continued to bother him. Fatio wrote on March 12, 1801: "I propose to be in town some days next week if my Rupture permits me to travel."48 In spite of declining health, he remained the patriarch of the family and continued to oversee his plantations for eleven more years. This responsibility may be better understood in light of the information given in his 1801 Census Return. It lists eighteen white members of the family, one free mulatto, four free Negroes, and eighty-six slaves, totaling 109 "souls" in his care. In addition, he had fifty-eight head of cattle, fourteen horses, 150 sheep, and sixty pigs. He owned five houses in St. Augustine, two houses in the country, two store houses, five work sheds, two horse barns, and twenty-seven cabins for the Negroes, a total of forty-three buildings to be maintained.49

Fatio was nearly eighty-seven years old when he died in 1811. His wife died a year before him, but he was refused burial beside her in the church graveyard in St. Augustine because he never converted to Catholicism.50 His grave is now lost among the tall trees covering what was his beloved plantation, New Switzerland.

The following year, during the Insurrection of 1812, the other members of his family barely escaped with their lives when the rebels and Indians plundered the plantation.51 They burned the house and its contents, including Fatio's fine library of some 1,200 volumes. They also burned the fences and more than 100,000 feet of lumber. They killed the livestock-sixty head of cattle, 106 head of sheep, and fifty pigs. What they did not burn or kill, they stole. Losses included twenty-one Negroes, six teams of oxen, five horses, a large boat, carpentry tools, blacksmith tools, a cotton gin, two stills, a telescope, and a microscope. The losses amounted to 34,841 pesos.52

47. Fatio to McQueen, March 12, 1801, EFP, reel 55, bundle 136 F 11.

48. Ibid.

49. Census Return of February 27, 1801, ibid.

50. O'Reilly to Estrada, July 15, 1811, EFP, reel 38, bundle 100 I 8.

51. S. L'Engle, Notes of my Family, 29-30; G. L'Engle, Collection of Letters, I, 52, 80.

52. Francis Philip Fatio, Jr., 1817 Inventory of Losses, EFP, reel 174, bundle 385. Several years later, another house was built at New Switzerland and cultivation was begun again. But other disasters were not long in coming. The extensive orange groves with some 3,000 trees were destroyed by frost in 1835.53 The Indians plundered the plantation in January 1836 during the Second Seminole War. Once more the house was burned; it was never to be built again.54

53. G. L'Engle, Collection of Letters, II, 17.

54. Ibid.

Governor LeRoy Collins of Florida: Spokesman for the New South. By Tom R. Wagy. (University: University of Alabama Press, 1985. x, 264 pp. Acknowledgments, introduction, notes, bibliography, index. $22.50.)

This biography of former Governor LeRoy Collins is wellwritten and emphasizes the growth in Collins's mastery of issues as his political career developed from 1934 until 1968. At the same time, while he contributed greatly to the solution of Florida's development, his role in facilitating integration of races ultimately brought an end to his ability to win electoral office. Yet, he accomplished a great deal and stands high among twentieth-century Florida governors in both ability and achievement. Wagy's well-written book joins other studies of twentieth-century Florida figures as a definite contribution which readers will welcome. These other books include Samuel Proctor's study of Governor Napoleon B. Broward, Wayne Flynt's biographies of Senator Duncan U. Fletcher and of Governor Sidney J. Catts, and David Colburn and Richard Scher's study of twentieth-century Florida governors.

LeRoy Collins was born in Tallahassee, Florida, on March 10, 1909, the son of a moderately successful grocery store owner. He grew up as a Methodist and later became an Episcopalian. He always held strong moral beliefs which ultimately influenced his position and treatment of blacks and still later caused him to oppose the imposition of capital punishment, although his earlier social and political positions were those of a typical middle-class small town Southerner. After high school, he attended one term of a northern business school and then received a law degree from the one-year law school, Cumberland University. Wagy calls his early political position as being typical of the "New South" attitude of Henry Grady of Georgia, emphasizing government support for education, for business development, and for free enterprise. Later Collins strongly admired Franklin Delano Roosevelt's leadership, and he became a New Deal Democrat. He was elected to the Florida House of Representatives in 1936 and then to the Florida Senate from the district centering on Leon County. In the senate he championed the cause of public education and also sought to promote such governmental reforms as reapportionment, executive branch reorganization, home rule for counties and cities, and a new constitution to replace that of 1885. Following the death in office of his friend Governor Daniel McCarty, he successfully ran for the last two years of McCarty's term, 1954-1956, and was then re-elected for a full four-year term, 1956-1960. During this time he made progress on strengthening the merit system, removing state road contracts from a patronage system, and from appointing judges on a patronage basis. However, on the major issues of reapportionment and constitutional revision, his strenuous efforts were defeated by the control of the agrarian north Florida legislative group known as "Pork-Choppers," who constituted a majority in the malapportioned legislature. Wagy brings this struggle vividly to life.

Following the school integration decision of Brown v. School Board of Topeka, Kansas (1954), he successfully led the fight against school closing in Florida and against massive resistance. At the same time he at first criticized the integration decision, and supported measures attempting to preserve segregation in the schools by peaceful means, but by the end of his term he was urging the South to change and began saying that integration was inevitable and was morally just. His leadership of south ern moderates gained him the chairmanship of both the Southern Governors' Conference and National Governors' Confer ence. He was also named as the permanent chairman of the 1960 Democratic National Convention, and was considered as a possible vice-presidential candidate on the ticket with John F. Kennedy (a position won by Lyndon B. Johnson when it became obvious that Collins had lost control both of the Florida delegation to the convention and also the Florida Democratic party).

Wagy might have mentioned the consequences had Collins, rather than Johnson, been the vice-president when Kennedy ultimately was assassinated during his single term as president. Following the close of his gubernatorial term in January 1961, Collins served for two years as president of the National Association of Broadcasters and then, after Johnson assumed the presidency, became head of the Community Relations Service under the United States Commerce Department. This agency helped to resolve integration problems in over 120 communities. Ultimately, this led to Collins mediating between the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., and officials of Selma and the Alabama Highway Patrol concerning King's march from Selma to Montgomery. In much of the press, including the Florida press, the pictures of Collins and King were captioned as showing the two leading the blacks on the march. Collins next served as undersecretary of commerce under Johnson, and then returned to practice law in Florida. In 1968, when United State Senator George Smathers announced his retirement, Collins ran for the Senate seat, only to be challenged by his primary opponent, Attorney General Earl Faircloth, on the issue of "law and order," a codeword which implied responsibility for integrationist riots and the sit-ins at southern lunch counters and motels. While Collins successfully won a narrow victory in the Democratic primary, he carried only four counties in the general election and was defeated by his Republican opponent, Ed ward J. Gurney.

After returning to Tallahassee to lick his wounds, Collins wrote a series of historical essays which appeared in his book, Forerunners Courageous. He revealed his writing skill and his ability to depict past events in a colorful way. He then resumed the practice of law and served by appointment on such official committees as the Constitution Revision Commission, which pre sented a new constitution to the voters and was rejected by them in 1978, and the Commission on Post-Secondary Education, which influenced the development of colleges and universities. He also has frequently spoken out against capital punishment. Wagy thus presents, in an attractive style, an appraisal of one of Florida's leading political figures since World War II. The author also shows how the challenge of tremendous growth in Florida and great social and economic change has brought about many interesting and controversial political developments during the past fifty years.

University of Florida MANNING J. DAUER

He-Coon: The Bob Sikes Story. Edited by Bobbye Sikes Wicke. (Pensacola: Perdido Bay Press, 1984. x, 757 pp. Forword, illustrations, index. $22.95.) He-Coon, the autobiography of former Congressman Bob Sikes, is an account of his "love affair" with his district, the panhandle of Florida, and the people-his people-who live there. His territory was 235 miles long, from the Aucilla River between Monticello and Madison to the Alabama-Florida line west of Pensacola. After congressional re-districting, Congressman Sikes represented only about one-half of the area, but it was still a huge territory. Fifty years ago the panhandle country was considered the "State of West Florida" by most of its inhabitants; many natives referred to it as "West By God Florida." This beautiful, mostly undeveloped land of resourceful people was rather unique in its loyalty to a geographical and cultural identity. They were overwhelmingly concerned with the good opinions of their neighbors. In national politics they were not ideological conformists. Much of this unique West Florida character is still true today, and Bob Sikes, their most famous citizen, proudly tells of his service to "his" people, first as state representative from Okaloosa County in the Florida legislature for two-terms, and then for thirty-eight consecutive years in the Congress.

The language of He-Coon is folksy, interlaced with homilies and candid observations. For example, Clarence Cannon, chairman of the House committee on appropriations, is described as being "strongly opinionated, crusty, and tough, but very able." Among the less generous critics of Cannon claimed, "He wasn't as mean sometimes as he was usually."

The first section of He-Coon describes Sikes's life and activities before he went to Washington. It is most entertaining and informative. Sikes narrates his memories of noted people in Florida politics, and he also remembers hundreds of the notso-well-known citizens who voted for him year after year and insisted that he remain as their representative in national government. He-Coon is a book not only for those who enjoy reading about Florida politics, but also for many others, including genealogists who will gather much information concerning the many people who attended the reunions of the Williams, Mashburn, Gainer, Gordon, Parker, and Watford families.

Congressman Sikes neglected no area of the panhandle in his search for votes. He was a frequent visitor even to small rural hamlets like Two Egg, he listened appreciatively to the Gospel choirs, and he enjoyed most of all "pressing the flesh" with voters at political rallies. This was the normal routine for successful politicking in Florida a half century ago. It led Bob Sikes to Tallahassee and then Congress in 1941 where he served for thirty-eight years.

In the second part of his autobiography, Congressman Sikes outlines some of the important services he performed for "his people": promotion of defense installations ($750,000,000 in federal expenditures in 1979, and employment of 50,000 people); legislation to promote rivers, ports, and harbors; farm and forestry laws; and support of educational and welfare programs consistent with his political philosophy. There were also thousands of personal errands and chores for individuals-the sine qua non for re-election. His efforts were tireless and his success, legendary.

We are introduced to dozens of world figures and hundreds of other political personalities as the author covers important national political events from 1941 through 1979. In 600 pages of He-Coon historians and political scientists will find important observations about political America. President Eisenhower's illnesses, President Johnson's change of ideologies, and the liberalizing of the congressional committee seniority rules are some of the important events covered by Congressman Sikes. Sikes also calls attention to his reprimand by the United States House of Representatives; it was, he says, "The saddest moment of my life." He emphasizes the double standards of conflict of interest interpretations, and argues that he was treated unfairly because of his political philosophy. He also includes information about other members of Congress-whose misdeeds have often gone unpunished. He wonders, for example, how many citizens know on what payrolls, other than con gressional, their congressman's name appear. It is a fact that even after the reprimand, Sikes's constituents voted three to one for him, but he voluntarily retired in 1979 and returned home to Okaloosa County.

I served in Congress with Bob Sikes for fourteen years. He was most gracious to me and aided me in the passage of many pieces of legislation that benefitted all of the state of Florida. Sikes was the dean of the Florida delegation; no member of Congress that I knew worked more diligently or more successfully for his district than he. Congressman Sikes was and is the He-Coon to the people of west Florida.

Gainesville, Florida D. R. "BILLY" MATTHEWS

The Miami Riot of 1980: Crossing the Bounds. By Bruce Porter and Marvin Dunn. (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1984. xvi, 207 pp. Preface, introduction, figures and tables, index, biographical note. $19.00.)

In May 1980, an all-white jury in Tampa acquitted five Miami policemen of manslaughter charges in the death of Arthur McDuffie, a black insurance agent who had died as a result of a beating in the wake of an alleged traffic violation. Within hours after the verdict exonerating the white policemen, blacks in Miami started a riot that lasted for three days. In this study commissioned by the Ford Foundation, the authors have sketched the background of the riot and examined in detail its course and aftermath. Drawing on more than 250 interviews, the authors have produced an exhaustive and often gripping account of what occurred and how public officials, especially police, responded.

Indeed, the book reads in part like a manual on riot control. Significantly, the longest chapter is devoted to "The Police." However, the study is no mere apologia for local police forces. In explaining the immediate precipitants of the riot and its prolongation during three days, the authors assign responsibility to the police and the criminal justice system. The McDuffie case was the last in "a series of five highly sensitive cases [which] reinforced the belief widely held among blacks that they could never expect to get fair treatment from the criminal justice system of Dade County" (p. 27). So, too, the authors contend that (in hindsight) Miami police missed opportunities to quell the riot in its early stages.

Both the strengths and weaknesses of this inquiry probably result from the authors' particular backgrounds. The engaging narrative and eye for telling details undoubtedly reflect the expertise of Bruce Porter, a former editor of Newsweek, who is currently a journalism professor. The clear grasp of the local scene and the emphasis on black anger and resentment can be attributed to Marvin Dunn, who teaches community psychology in Miami. As an anatomy of a riot, the book achieves its purpose.

However, the authors have some difficulty putting the 1980 events in historical perspective. They argue that "the Miami riot followed a dramatically different course from the disorders in the 1960s" (p. 173). In contrast to the earlier disturbances which were directed primarily at property, "What was shocking about Miami was the intensity of the rage directed by blacks against white people" (p, xiii). The authors are undoubtedly correct in stressing this contrast with the 1960s but they go too far in claiming that "to find a precedent for the random killing of whites, one would have to reach back before the twentieth century to the Nat Turner-style slave rebellion before the Civil War" (p. 173). Four pages later the authors contradict this statement by pointing to antiwhite violence in race riots after World War I. In fact, the Detroit race riot of 1943 would provide an even more recent example of a "communal riot," as Morris Janowitz has termed a racial clash in which people rather than property are the primary target. Moreover, in Miami, as in previous communal riots, whites were not the only victims, despite the emphasis of Porter and Dunn. While black rioters murdered eight whites in Miami, three blacks minding their own business were shot to death by white motorists firing randomly. In addition, seven blacks were killed by authorities. The authors' con sideration of the Miami violence and its relation to the past would have profited from greater use of the extensive historical and sociological literature on collective racial violence, and this in turn would have strengthened what is an otherwise insightful study of a single riot.

University of South Florida ROBERT P. INGALLS

Modern Florida Government. By Anne E. Kelley. (Landham, MD: University Press of America, 1983. xi, 395 pp. Preface, tables and charts, notes, glossary, bibliography, appendix, index. $36.75; $22.00 paper.)

Professor Kelley in the preface to her book notes that the last study on Florida government suitable for a classroom text was The Government and Administration of Florida by Wilson K. Doyle, Angus M. Laird, and S. Sherman Weiss, published in 1954. Her objective was to provide a more up-to-date study. She selected the ten-year period 1968 through 1978 "to identify and to describe the governmental processess and institutions of modern Florida government." This may have been an unfortunate choice of years since in mid-1985 the text in many ways conveys a sense of staleness.

There have been many major changes in Florida in the years since 1978: legislators have been chosen since 1982 from singlemember districts, negating the discussion of multi-member selection; the Public Service Commission has not regulated common carriers since 1980; the sales tax went from four to five per cent in 1982; and the homestead exemption was raised from $5,000 to $25,000 in 1982.

By limiting her statistical data-salaries, political party ratios, etc.-to the 1968-1978 period, Kelley may also be providing, albeit inadvertently, students and other users with misleading impressions. It is unwise to limit a classroom text to such a narrow period. Florida government simply does not stand still. For example, the governor's salary is given, without date, as $59,500; by January 1, 1986, the salary will be $78,700.

Some questions of fact mar an otherwise good discussion of state government. For instance, the question of legalizing casino gambling was on the ballot in 1978 by reason of popular initiative, and not as a result of proposed changes to the 1968 con stitution as recommended by a revision commission. There is no such thing as a pocket veto of legislative acts; any act held longer than fifteen days by the governor becomes law without his signature.

Since 1980 the first reading of bills has been accomplished by publication in the journals of the house and senate. The special order calendar of the house controls the flow of bills to the chamber for consideration from the first day of a session, not the last thirty days. Fuller Warren was not the only governor to have impeachment charges filed against him; Governor Harrison Reed (1868-1872) survived four attempts to oust him. Wade Hopping was the Republican appointee to the Florida Supreme Court who was unseated in the general election, not Charles Holley. The Board of Administration seems confused in this volume with the Department of Administration. There are also some inconsistencies. On page 113, for instance, it is stated that the legislature has "hundreds of professional staff." The next paragraph speaks of "the lack of adequate research staffs." On page 126, Florida Power and Light Company is confused with the Florida Power Corporation.

But, as Chief Justice B. K. Roberts would say, "half of something is better than all of nothing." That bit of philosophy, so appropriate to the governmental process, applies to Modem Florida Government. While the reader may disagree with various statements, the fact remains that the book does provide useful information and it stimulates thought. Closer editing and clearer statement of time frame would improve the next edition. Professor Kelley has travelled a considerable distance toward her goal of closing the gap in texts since Doyle, et al., produced their book in 1954.

Tallahassee, Florida ALLEN MORRIS

Rails `Neath the Palms. By Robert W. Mann. (Burbank, CA: Darwin Publications, 1983. 220 pp. Acknowledgments, foreword, maps, illustrations, index. $29.95.)

This is a handsome book. Printed on glossy paper with an attractive four-color dust jacket, it will make a nice addition to every railroad buff's collection. Scores of quite rare railroad photographs are reproduced, and this reviewer had his visual knowledge of Florida railroading much enhanced by the volume. Unfortunately, the text does little to enhance the book's photographic excellence.

Varieties of people write railroad books: business analysts, historians and economists of transportation, steam and diesel power engineers, and train buffs-to name a few. Many combine a technical expertise with their love for railroading. The Jacksonville-resident author of this book is an amateur historian-railroad buff, and in this lies both the strengths and weaknesses of the work. It exhibits a frustrating indifference to dates, and historical inaccuracies abound. It is satisfing, however, as a reflection and illustration of one man's love for the railroads of his state.

Though the writing is often sparkling and romantic, at times it reflects the tone of local boosterism or the puffery of the early railroad brochures. The presence of a number of misspellings suggests that the work was not subjected to rigorous proofing. One also wonders if numbers of questionable statements reflect poor proofing or want of careful dedication to verifiable fact. It is hard to take seriously such wildly imaginative statements as that the St. Johns Railroad spawned "feeder lines which eventually grew into the trunk lines of today" (p. 7). That was a pre Civil War horse-drawn line early absorbed into Flagler's system, but hardly "spawned" it!

Errors abound. Flagler would turn in his grave to learn that his magnificent "Whitehall" was located in West Palm Beach (p. 21). Historians will doubt that during the Florida boom the Jacksonville Terminal was the busiest "in the entire world" (p. 52). It stretches credulity to accept that the "Havana Special" ever ran in twenty-four sections (p. 52). It is amusing to read that Henry B. Plant sold his railroad system to the Atlantic Coast Line in 1902, because he died in 1899 (p. 68). It is disquieting to read that Tampa has stood on its bay for 400 years, "to rival Jamestown and Plymouth" (p. 115).

Those familiar with the Atlantic, Suwannee River and Gulf Railroad will be affronted at the claim that it was built by the Seaboard to a terminus at "Bell on the Suwannee River" (p. 128). A similar geographical vagary has David L. Yulee's crossFlorida railroad running from Cedar Key to West Palm Beach (p. 129). Another has the Live Oak, Perry, and Gulf interchanging cars at Perry with the Georgia Southern and Florida, near which the rails of the G.S. & F. never came.

The wary reader with a critical eye may see in this book broad general outlines of the development of several railroad systems in Florida: the Florida East Coast, the Atlantic Coast Line, the Seaboard Air Line, the Southern, the Louisville and Nashville, as well as the recent great mergers. Unfortunately, many of the fascinating really short little lines are ignored, but given the shortcomings noted, it may be just as well.

The credibility of this interesting book is seriously weakened by a lack of documentation. The author thanks railroad people and libraries for their help, but nowhere lists any bibliography. Nor does he use any citations to buttress what appear to be controversial interpretations or doubtful statements. Both general and expert readers will appreciate the excellent collection of hard-to-find photographs, but neither should take the text too seriously.

University of Florida HERBERT J. DOHERTY, JR.

George Washington, A Biography By John R. Alden. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1984. ix, 219 pp. Preface, illustrations, bibliographical essay, index. $19.95.)

The author of this one-volume life of George Washington brings impressive qualifications to his task. During his career Mr. Alden has produced four biographies of eighteenth-century worthies and three major volumes on the American War for Independence, two of them for distinguished series. This life of Washington, a natural capstone to the arch, joins three other single-volume biographies published in the past twenty-five years (Cunliffe, Callaghan, and Jones), all with strengths and all with deficiencies as well. These shorter treatments challenge the large-scale biographies that began with John Marshall's five volumes in the first decade after Washington's death and most recently are represented by two notable sets, the seven volumes of Douglas Southall Freeman (1948-1957), and James T. Flexner's four volumes (1965-1972).

Whether single- or multi-volume, biographies of Washington often leave readers with the uneasy feeling that the man has not quite come through, that he has eluded every effort to reveal his true inwardness. Washington himself must bear some of the blame; though he wrote frequent letters and kept a diary for part of his life, he carefully guarded his expression, so carefully that he often sounds like a grave judge reading a short paper at a public meeting. Getting at the man requires interpretation, sometimes risky interpretation.

In his title the author does not tip his hand: George Washington, a Biography, not "George Washington, the Indispensable Man" or "George Washington: Republican Aristocrat," or even "George Washington: Man and Monument." His 306 pages of text are roughly chronological, though not rigidly so. In the first 102 pages he carries Washington through his first forty-three years-youth, early military adventures, establishment as a planter, and his marriage. Then in approximately the same space (107 pages) he takes him through eight years of war, 1775-1783. Finally, after the interlude at Mount Vernon, the constitutional convention, and ratification, Alden describes in sixty-seven pages Washington's eight years as first president of the republic. This space allocation runs contrary to that of most single-volume studies of important figures in which the years of crowning achievement get a disproportionate number of pages, sometimes nearly all. Thus Mr. Alden implicitly recognized that Washington had two major public careers, one military and one civilian, both demanding the fullest analysis possible within space limitations. Readers may disagree with the author's decision to devote more space to Washington as the commander-in- chief, than to his tenure as president. They can certainly not cavil at the scholarship-the sources covered and the mass of secondary literature cited in the critical bibliography are impressive. On this solid base Mr. Alden has built his narrative and grounded his judgements. Though clearly an admirer of Washington (chapter VIII, "The Magnate of Mount Vernon" and chapter XVIII, "The Great Man" carry the burden of his interpretation), Alden also points out his weaknesses, for example his ardent pursuit of rank (pp. 49-59) and his tendency to shift blame from himself (p. 137). Alden has emphasized Washington's human qualities by telling of his relish for salty stories and by assuring us of his sexual potency. In brief Mr. Alden has exercised his right as a biographer to conceive his subject-after patient study of the enormous sources-and to present him with every resource of his art.

Of course this procedure may open the window to subjectivity that some purists will insist contaminates scholarship's anti septic air. But reflective readers know that historical works carry a heavy freight of subjective elements, far more than the precepts of graduate method courses permit. Actually this subjec tive matter becomes an integral part (sometimes the most important part) of a historian's work, for his most important insights cannot be fully documented even in a book of large scope. Accordingly the burden on the historian's shoulders approaches the limit; in a sense the scholar-the master who has exhausted the sources and reflected deeply on their meaning-becomes his own authority. But the responsibility he assumes is enormous. In George Washington, a Biography readers will find what they properly expect: solid research, balanced judgements, and careful expression.

University of Georgia AUBREY C. LAND

The Papers of Henry Clay, Volume 8, Candidate, Compromiser, Whig, March 5, 1829-December 31, 1836. Edited by Robert Seager II. (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1984. xii, 948 pp. Preface, symbols and abbreviations, calendar of unpublished letters, indexes. $40.00.)

Volume 8 of The Papers of Henry Clay begins as Clay was preparing to leave Washington, following the inauguration of Andrew Jackson. "Let us never despair of the American Republic," he advised a group of discouraged admirers at a farewell dinner on March 7, 1829. Relieved of the arduous duties of the office of secretary of state, he soon departed for the life of a private citizen in Kentucky, His trip home buoyed his spirits. It was "a kind of triumphant march," he wrote one correspondent. "Stages, taverns, tollgates have been generally thrown open to me, without charge; and I have literally had a free passage" (p. 19).

Clay professed that "retirement, unqualified retirement, from all public employment, is what I unaffectedly desire" (p. 54). Yet he was inexorably drawn back to the national political scene. He accepted election to the United States Senate from the Kentucky legislature in 1831, and the presidential nomination of the National Republican party later that year. His chances for victory against the popular incumbent-never good-were completely dashed by the Antimasonic movement, which prevented a united anti-Jackson electoral ticket in 1832.

During the nullification controversy Clay once again held the center of the political stage, but his authorship of the Compromise Tariff of 1833 failed to boost his presidential chances. Although he was the recognized leader of the congressional coalition against Jackson that adopted the Whig name in 1834, he received little encouragement to run for the presidency in 1836, nor did he seek the nomination. "It is repugnant to my feelings and sense of propriety," he wrote a supporter, "to be voluntarily placed in an attitude in which I would seem to be importuning the public for an office which it is not willing to confer" (p. 783). Despite his earlier counsel to his followers, Clay himself almost despaired of the republic on numerous occasions during Jackson's presidency. "Blackguards, Bankrupts and Scoundrels, Profligacy and Corruption are the order of the day," he lamented in 1835 (p. 775). Private woes also plagued him. His eldest son, Theodore, was committed to the Lunatic Asylum of Kentucky, and his second son, Thomas Hart, drank excessively. But the cruelest blow was the death of his favorite child and last surviving daughter, Anne Clay Erwin, in 1835. "There are some wounds," he wrote a friend, "which nothing can heal" (p. 8 13).

There are considerably fewer Clay documents for the eightyear period from 1829 to 1836 than for the years-1825 to 1829-when he served as secretary of state. Because editor Robert Seager II has chosen to summarize most of the correspondence Clay received, as well as his senatorial speeches, a project that once seemed destined to be extended into the twenty-first century now appears likely to be concluded with two additional volumes. On the whole, Seager has done a competent editorial job, but there are occasional slips. He states, for example, that letters from Clay's youngest sons, James Brown and John Morrison, dated January 11 and January 14, 1831, respectively, were "erroneously addressed" to their father in "Washington City" (pp. 3 19-2 1). Internal evidence, however, indicates that the letters were correctly addressed to Senator Clay at the nation's capital, but that they should have been dated 1832 instead of 1831.

University of Houston-University Park EDWIN A. MILES

No Chariot Let Down: Charleston's Free People of Color on the Eve of the Civil War. Edited by Michael P. Johnson and James L. Roark. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984. xvi, 174 pp. Acknowledgments, abbreviations, introduction, notes, bibliography, index. $16.95.)

The position of the free Negro in antebellum southern society was always tenuous, resting on infirm ground. Blacks, whether slave of free, lived in a twilight zone under sharply defined limits. They were perpetually threatened by the prospect of kidnapping, court action, legislative enactments, and societal actions which limited opportunities for employment, travel, education, manumission, and the accumulation of property. At best, free blacks constituted an anomaly in the American democratic social order which, over a period of time, excluded them from active participation. At worse, free blacks lived in a shadowy world suspended between slavery and freedom, prompting historians to describe them as "denizens," rather than citizens, "quasi-free," and slaves without masters.

Michael Johnson and James Roark explore this nebulous world. Drawing on thirty-seven letters composed by free blacks and hitherto unknown to historians, the editors provide refreshingly new perspectives and insights into the daily lives of South Carolina's free black population. According to Johnson and Roark, free blacks lived full social lives prior to the enslavement crisis of 1859. They traveled freely inside and outside the state, attended gala affairs, including lavish weddings, receptions, festivals, and revivals, supported indigenous marriages, became en grossed in community gossip, constructed a network of community organizations and institutions geared to their needs, and jealously guarded their privileges and status. In short, their lives were strikingly similar to those of aristocratic whites whom they sought to emulate.

In 1859, however, national, state, and local circumstances conspired to threaten this tranquil world. John Brown's raid on Harper's Ferry, the division of the Democratic party over slavery, and the opposition of up-country planters and white Charleston labor forces to the perceived privileged status of free blacks forced the South Carolina legislature in 1859 to introduce and consider some twenty bills which imposed further restrictions on free blacks, including enslavement and diminished em ployment opportunities.

Free blacks in South Carolina, particularly Charleston, rallied to defend themselves in the new crisis. Drawing on a vast network of support within the white and black communities, aristocratic free blacks exploited their reserves and expertise to defeat the opposition. Charleston blacks resisted bullies and policemen, lobbied the mayor, legislators, and other white friends, organized a petition campaign among aristocratic whites to stave off efforts to enslave them and restrict employment opportunities, and considered such alternatives as emigration to distant countries or migration to other states. Some free blacks packed their possessions, sold their property, and left South Carolina. Most, however, preferred to ride out the storm, protect their property, and maintain the safety and security of family ties. In the end, the election of Lincoln and the secession crisis in the South forced whites to abandon attempts to enslave free blacks. Many survived the Civil War and became leaders in the new order of Reconstruction.

Johnson and Roark have made a distinctive contribution to the historical literature on free blacks through the publication of James Marsh Johnson's letters to his brother-in-law, Henry Ellison. By employing copious footnotes to explain references to persons, places, and events, the editors help to unravel relationships within the free black, slave, and white communities, without which the letters would be unfathomable. Beyond these considerations, however, their contribution remains small and unoriginal. Overall, historians will welcome No Chariots Let Down as valuable supplementary reading and as documentary sources for additional research.

Florida A and M University THEODORE HEMMINGWAY

A Woman Doctor's Civil War: Esther Hill Hawks' Diary. Edited by Gerald Schwartz. (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1984. x, 301 pp. Introduction, acknowledgments, foreword, afterword, bibliography, index. $17.95.)

Esther Hill Hawks was an abolitionist, reformer, medical doctor, and fortunately for later generations, a diarist. When the Civil War erupted she and her husband, J. Milton Hawks, were eager to play a role. He became a surgeon in a black regiment, and Esther put her hand to whatever was needed or piqued her interest at the moment. She became a volunteer assistant in a hospital, a freedmen's teacher, physician for wounded black soldiers after the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts's suicidal charge on Fort Wagner, an orphanage supervisor, temporary Freedmen's Bureau agent in Florida, and an indefatiga ble socializer. From 1862 to 1866 she recorded much of what she did and observed in South Carolina and Florida in three diaries. Hawks devoted more space to personal trivia than to more significant events, was far better at description than analysis, and occasionally her entries were written several weeks after the described events occurred, yet her diaries are both interesting and useful. They contain significant, if often biased and naive, accounts of freedmen, black soldiers, white teacher-missionaries, inept Union forces, black education, southern whites, and descriptions of living and travel conditions. She rarely found anything positive to say about southern whites. The better classes appear in her diary as arrogant and mean spirited. Poor whites were stupid and pitiable. Florida Crackers, she wrote, were "much less human than the negroes, more ignorant, dirty and lifeless-many of them look as if they had already been buried for months." She did not admire many of the Union officers and freedmen's teachers she encountered either. She dismissed one Union officer's wife with the comment: "to me she looks irishy." Although her pen was frequently gall-dipped when she characterized people, Hawks became almost rhapsodic when describing southern scenery.

Hawks's intense curiosity made her an interesting diarist. She seldom missed an opportunity to examine a new situation or location. Her inquisitiveness led her to observe the execution of three black soldiers, and to accompany some Union officers to a flag of truce meeting with their Confederate counterparts near Jacksonville in February 1865. At the latter meeting she was displeased when the enemy officers shared a pleasant picnic lunch, drank together until intoxicated, and parted with hearty handshakes. During the return to Jacksonville Hawks was seriouly injured when the drunken driver of the ambulance in which she was riding hit a fallen tree at high speed.

Professor Gerald Schwartz has ably edited the Hawks's diaries. His foreword, afterword, and footnotes add appreciably to the reader's understanding of both Hawks and her writings. The resulting book is a delightful and valuable addition to the literature of the Civil War and Reconstruction.

Florida State University JOE M. RICHARDSON Last Train South: The Flight of the Confederate Government from Richmond. By James C. Clark. (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company, 1984. 164 pp. Preface, maps, illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. $17.95, plus 1.50 for postage).

This book tells the tragic, desperate, and doomed story of the flight by Jefferson Davis and his cabinet from Richmond, Virginia, in April 1865. First by train, then by horseback, carriages, and wagons, the weary leaders and their escorts moved south along an angled route. It is an account that has been detailed before-by A. J. Hanna's Flight into Oblivion (1938)- and more recently by Burke Davis in his The Long Surrender (1985).

Clark's version is written in a style that wanders from the scholarly to the journalistic and contains only 141 pages of text. The narrative is smooth and reads easily, although battlefield communications from General Robert E. Lee are inexplicably quoted in their entirety. As the train labors slowly along, various principals take their leave. At the start the passenger list is an impressive one. Among the fugitives are Stephen R. Mallory, secretary of the navy; John H. Reagan, postmaster general; John C. Breckinridge, secretary of war; Judah P. Benjamin, secretary of state; George Davis, attorney general; and George Trenholm, secretary of the treasury. Davis's wife, Varina Howell Davis, had gone on ahead.

Clark is obviously not aiming at profundity. Nor does he provide any startling interpretations or uncover any new evidence. Few manuscripts or contemporary newspapers are utilized, but, even so, the writer makes good use of memoirs and secondary sources. There are enough typographical errors to cause concern and probably worry-see pp. 41, 42, 105 (where three occur), and p. 106.

Some errors mar an otherwise sprightly treatment of Florida's role. For example, Clark has Breckinridge escaping down the St. Johns River. In fact, he was escaping up that mavrick stream. Admittedly, Florida was not densely populated in 1865, but the state's most settled area was in the north. It was not true that "there was nothing in between" Pensacola and St. Augustine except for "Tallahassee and some other scattered villages" (p. 106). Despite such shortcomings, the book never loses its tight construction and holds the reader's interest. The capture of Davis at Irwinville (misspelled on p. 95), Georgia, avoids melodrama and is told with poignance. The author deals objectively with Jefferson Davis and is to be commended for making it embarrassingly clear that he was totally out of touch with reality. He never realized that the war was over. Somehow, the president of the fallen Confederacy believed, the South would regroup and sweep to triumphant victory on battlefields old and new.

Florida State University WILLIAM WARREN ROGERS

The Booker T. Washington Papers, Volume 13: 1914-1915. Edited by Louis R. Harlan and Raymond W. Smock. (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1984. xxx, 461 pp. Introduction, erratum, symbols and abbreviations, addenda, bibliography, index. $32.50.)

Booker T. Washington's career ended November 14, 1915, in Tuskegee, Alabama. He and his wife only barely made it home from St. Luke's Hospital in New York before he died. He had labored so diligently to prepare some of his race to establish itself as an economic and cultural entity in southern life. By 1915 the world and the South were in the initial stages of revolutionary changes. The Negro was migrating away from the farm and away from the South. His problems were now of new sorts. He was rapidly shifting his economic and social bases.

Washington had actually little intimate understanding, or perhaps sympathy, for many of the challenges facing the new urban Negro. Nationally political alignments and sources of power had shifted from the hospitable Republican occupancy of the White House of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft to that of the Democrats and Woodrow Wilson. Washington seems never to have formed an acquaintance, with President Wilson, and the times were unpropitious for establishing an association with the nation caught up in the frenzy of World War I.

Running throughout this final volume of papers is a distinct note of changing times and the status of the Negro in American society. Also, despite the fact that Booker T. Washington had over the years formed strong liasons with powerful American commercial and financial leaders, there was also a feeling in 1915 of the strong currents of change. Included in this volume are letters from the old advisors such as Julius Rosenwald, Hollis B. Frissell, Oswald Garrison Villard, Andrew Carnegie, James Hardy Dillard, Seth Low, Emmet O'Neal, and many others.

These letters reflect the overweening conservatism of the era in which Booker T. Washington had functioned so effectively. His philosophy of helping the Negro to make economic and social adjustments within the context of conservative and racist America would have found him later at bitter odds with the rising new urban black leadership.

The eulogistic editorials, special articles, and flood of letters and telegrams following his death stand as a kind of durable monument to a dedicated spokesman and laborer for his race. In his waning months Booker T. Washington had failed to heed the warnings about the condition of his health. Almost, it seems, as a fatalistic drive, he allowed himself to become overworked and exhausted when many of his friends urged him to rest and seek expert medical care.

In the publication of this final volume a major portion of the primary Washington record is now handsomely in hand. These highly-professionally edited papers not only place Booker T. Washington in the context of his times in the nation, and the South, but they add a distinct dimension to American social history. While Washington died without seeing any real reduction in the barbarity of lynching, the germ of criticism was viru lent and it ultimately brought an end to this inhuman crime, but not until the Emmet Till and Philadelphia tragedies had shocked the American people.

Louis Harlan, Raymond W. Smock, and their associates kept on schedule for fifteen years to see this project nobly concluded. Surely Elizabeth Dulaney, a copy editor in the University of Illinois Press, deserves a note of high commendation, as does the press itself for the excellent format and publication of these voluminous papers. This final volume reflects not only the closing years of a determined American, but likewise incipient changes which in time were to reshape the currents of American history.

University of Kentucky THOMAS D. CLARK The Greening of the South: The Recovery of Land and Forest. By Thomas D. Clark. (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1984. xvi, 168 pp. Preface, bibliographical essay, index, illustrations. $20.00.)

For three decades Thomas D. Clark, Kentucky's noted historian, has been writing about the agrarian South and its lumber industry. In his latest book, The Greening of the South, he surveys in a short, concise, and statistically packed work the history of timbering in the South and its impact on the land, economy, and people of the region. While Clark tells the story of the shameless waste, exploitation, and wanton destruction of the vast virgin woodlands of the South, which left a legacy of millions of acres of scarred, denuded, eroded, and minerally de pleted hillsides, the real thesis of his book is a heartening and up-beat one. It is the story of the turn-around, rebuilding, and changes in attitudes which re-greened the South. Thus, in essence, the book shows that man does not have to reap what he has sown but can change his ways and atone for his sins.

There are many villains to blame for the wholesale destruction of the South's pristine forests-the small farmer, the backwoodsman, the railroads, the timber barons, the federal government, the merchants, the state legislatures, John Q. Public him self, and even the woodland's wild razorbacks-but there are also some heroes that Clark singles out. They include the Great Southern Lumber Company of Bogalusa, Louisiana, which practiced conservation when it was an unpopular thing to do; George Vanderbilt's Biltmore forestry school, which privately trained foresters from 1898-1913; the Mississippi Federation of Women's Clubs, which promoted fire control, reclamation, and reforestation when few else would; the federal Weeks and Clarke-McNary laws which led to the repurchase of lands for national forests; the establishment of Forest Experiment Stations in 1921 (one was at Starke, Florida); the Civilian Conserva tion Corps, which during the Great Depression worked tirelessly to reseed and restore thousands of acres of southern forests; and finally, the individual scientists and foresters who brought about changes in knowledge, practices, and products which helped to bring about the `"new" South, the one which cares about scientific management, reclamation, reforestation, and conservation. It was the scientists and professional foresters, who after 1920, brought about the revolutionary changes in paper manufacturing and forest cultivation which have resulted in vast changes in the economic, social, and physical landscape of the modern South. The South now supplies our nation two-thirds of its paper stock. Nearly 4,000,000 jobs in the South are directly related to the lumber industry and nearly 24,000,000 acres of forests in the South are now owned by the federal government. And while the South still loses thousands of acres of land each year, primarily due to urban sprawl, it appears that the wanton destruction of its forests has been arrested and the region will remain green for many generations to come. This is the story that Clark so ably tells.

The Greening of the South is the most recent addition to the University Press of Kentucky's series "New Perspectives on the South." It makes a good companion to Albert Cowdrey's This Land, This South, An Environrnental History, which the press also published. The Greening of the South includes an informative bibliographic essay and a good index. I recommend this to all who relish southern history and who would be heartened to read an up-beat story about the region.

University of Texas

LINDA VANCE

The New Deal and the South. Edited by James C. Cobb and Michael V. Namorato. (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1984. x, 173 pp. Preface, introduction, notes, selected bibliography, index. $15.00 cloth, $8.95 paper.)

The volume brings together the papers delivered at the ninth annual Chancellor's Symposium on Southern History held at the University of Mississippi, October 1983. The six papers treat the impact of the New Deal on the South, attempting to assess especially the degree to which the New Deal was a turning point in southern history.

Frank Freidel in "The South and the New Deal" concludes that important social changes had come to the region during the thirties, but that the most important impact of the New Deal was the way it had changed potential leaders of the future South, such as Lyndon Johnson. Pete Daniel, in his examination of southern agriculture, points to the cross purposes which sometimes developed among the twenty-seven different federal agencies regulating aspects of agriculture during the Roosevelt era. In specific, statistical detail, he shows how tenants were hurt by acreage reductions and notes that New Deal farm programs generally reflected the biases of the particular administrators. The overall impact of the New Deal was to speed the process of mechanization and the concentration of land ownership, thereby encouraging a decrease in sharecroppers who were thus ready to gravitate to the defense industries of the 1940s.

In his chapter on the New Deal and labor, Wayne Flynt deals especially with the growth of unions in Alabama industry and concludes that the advance in union membership in New Deal years strengthened civil liberties, race relations, and political liberalism while it reduced wage differentials based on skill, race, and region. There was no similar revolution brought to internal southern politics by the New Deal according to Alan Brinkley. Roosevelt did not try to prevent local control of programs. On the other hand, Roosevelt's ability to gain votes in other regions shattered the South's grip on the Democratic party and allowed the party to become more liberal, especially after the removal of the two-thirds majority needed for a presidential nomination.

Harvard Sitkoff's assessment of the impact of the New Deal on blacks is similar to his presentation in his 1985 edited volume, Fifty Years Later. Rather than berating the lack of gains for blacks, Sitkoff praises the important ones which did occur. Numan Bartley in the concluding essay focuses on the New Deal's breakdown of the plantation system in the South, which in turn shattered the paternal order of life, paving the way for more individualism which underlay the later civil rights movement and the expanding role of women in southern society.

Collectively, these papers, while not strikingly novel, are well honed and bring together in one volume incisive insights into what was, if not a watershed, at least a seedbed for the modern South.

Winthrop College THOMAS S. MORGAN Running Scared: Silver in Mississippi. By James W. Silver. (Jackson: University Presses of Mississippi, 1984. xiii, 238 pp. Preface, acknowledgments, afterword, appendixes, photographs, index. $14.95.)

Readers seeking information about Mississippi and the South are apt to be disappointed in Running Scared: Silver in Mississippi. The book lacks the purpose and force that made Mississippi: The Closed Society such a powerful work. James W. Silver, in the preface to Running Scared, explains that he wrote the book "to help straighten me out on the life of Jim Silver in Mississippi." Additionally, there was the fact that a retired history professor "cannot fish all of the time because of weather, marina hours, and lessening interest." The result is a book that adds rather little to the material and interpretation presented in The Closed Society.

In another sense, however, Running Scared is quite fascinating. It is the kind of book I suspect a great many academicians might like upon retirement to write, except for the fact that little of general interest has ever happened to most of us. A lot of interesting things happened to Silver, and he describes them with admirable honesty and sometimes with wit. Arriving in Mississippi in 1936, Silver and Margaret "Dutch" Thompson Silver liked Oxford and the University of Mississippi and "concluded that we hoped to enjoy the good life in Mississippi for the rest of our days" (p. x). Thereafter, Silver describes his evolution from "Embryonic Mississippian" (1936-1941) to "Staid Professor" (1939-1945) to "Optimistic Moderate" (1945-1954) to "Quiet Reformer" (1954-1959) to "Paper Radical" (1959-1965) to "Proper Hoosier" (1964-1969, the years Silver taught at the University of Notre Dame) to "Southerner Again" (1969- , the period that he taught at the University of South Florida and has lived in retirement in Florida).

During this odyssey, the Silvers became close friends to the family of William Faulkner, and the historian writes with some ambivalence about his personal relationship with the novelist. Silver examines his growing hostility toward the Mississippi program of massive resistance to desegregation and explains the events that led to his presidential address before the Southern Historical Association in November 1963. Indeed Silver chose the title Running Scared because "it most aptly describes my state of mind until some moment in the Meredith crisis when I stopped `running scared'" (p. xi). Little more than a year after "the Meredith crisis" Silver delivered the paper that elevated him to national prominence. "My entire life," he writes, "had unquestionably been a preparation for my `Mississippi: The Closed Society' speech in 1963" (p. 86). The following June Silver's book-length study of the closed society appeared, and a few months later the Silvers left Oxford for South Bend, never to return permanently to "the good life in Mississippi."

Like Mississippi: The Closed Society, Running Scared is part narrative (141 pages) and part documents (eighty-seven pages). Among the documents is the "Correspondence related to James Silver and the Board of Trustees," most of which was exchanged during the period between the "Closed Society" speech and the book. It was during these months when Silver suffered from health problems and official Mississippi harassment that, he writes, "I have never felt so alone in my life . . ." (p. 98). Running Scared is a memoir by a leading American historian and an eminently decent person.

University of Georgia NUMAN V. BARTLEY

Ambivalent Legacy: A Legal History of the South. Edited by David J. Bodenhamer and James W. Ely, Jr. (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1984. Preface, tables, bibliography, index. $20.00; $8.95 paper.)

For all the scholarly attention that has been directed at the American South, there is a dearth of published work on the legal history of the region. Ambivalent Legacy: A Legal History of the South, a volume comprised of eleven essays, represents an attempt to redress this scholarly neglect.

This collection is drawn from papers presented in 1983 at a conference on southern legal history in Gulfport, Mississippi. The volume is divided into four sections: the first offers introductory pieces on southern law, one by the editors, David Bodenhamer and James Ely, and one by the keynote speaker at the conference, Lawrence Friedman. The second contains papers on law and the southern economy, the third presents essays on law and race relations, and the fourth includes papers on southern courts, lawyers, and judges. Ambivalent Legacy gets off to a good start. The editors' essay maintains that the South possesses a "distinctive heritage in matters of law and society, but it has nonetheless remained part of the larger Union." This paradox gives rise to the volume's title. The editors point to several features of the southern legal tradition that they see as unique, including the frequently discussed subjects of race and violence and less well-known topics involving the judicial and economic systems. Friedman's essay points out how little is really known about southern legal history. He also challenges scholars to perform the painstaking research which will illuminate what is unique in the southern legal tradition or where southern law "converges" with that of American law generally.

Several of the essays in the volume reflect the kind of careful research called for in the introductory section. Three examples will suffice. Peter Hoffer's essay examines the record of criminal proceedings in the tidewater area of colonial Virginia. He finds that the apparent high rate of crime was more attributable to the fears of the citizenry than to a particularly heinous criminal class. His analysis presents a fine example of the importance of getting behind quantitative data rather than simply believing the numbers.

The best quantitative essay in the volume is also the one with the most scope: Kermit Hall's paper on the impact of elections on southern appellate courts between 1832 and 1920. Based on career-line studies of hundreds of judges, Hall concludes that the southern elected judiciary, in contrast to elected judges in other parts of the country, was superior in quality but more parochial and less accountable to constituents.

Mark Tushnet's essay on the strategy of the NAACP's legal staff between 1925 and 1950, while not entirely persuasive, is nonetheless provocative. The essay illustrates that the choices the organization made to fight for integration were not popular with all black intellectuals and suggests that social justice for blacks might better have been achieved by working for the improvement of conditions within segregated black communities than by confronting the massive white resistance that the NAACP's integrationist stance provoked.

As is usually the case with a collection of scholarly papers, the overall quality is uneven. Yet, any weaknesses in Ambivalent Legacy are more than compensated for by exhaustive footnotes and a selected bibliography of the best literature on southern legal history.

Clemson University JOHN W. JOHNSON

Swamp Water and Wiregrass: Historical Sketches of Coastal Georgia. By George A. Rogers and R. Frank Saunders, Jr. (Macon: Mercer University Press, 1984. ix, 253 pp. Introduction, illustrations, bibliography, index. $19.95.)

Like all collections of essays, the quality and interest of these sketches varies considerably. Some consist of fairly well known material while others are about little known happenings.

Both authors have been members of the history department of Georgia Southern College at Statesboro, Georgia, and have worked on the history of this part of Georgia for some years. Most of the sketches are about Liberty County, a special interest of the authors. Thus the subtitle seems misleading in implying that a larger area is included.

After an introduction that sets the physical and social environment, there are thirteen sketches, eight of which have been previously published or read at historical meetings. The sketch on the genesis of the Midway settlement and the one on the Reverend Charles C. Jones and Bishop Stephen Elliott are about fairly well known matters. The sketches about the Civil War in Liberty County, Camp Lawton at Millen, and the experiences of Benjamin Wright as a prisoner of war at Camp Chase near Calumbus, Ohio, are standard treatments that do not come up with any startling new information or interpretations but which document specific incidents that should be useful to historians.

The sketches of Negro education and religion in post-Civil War Liberty County tell of not-so-well known happenings, often bizarre to the modern mind, that will be of special interest to the social historian and the historian of black life. One of the most interesting sketches describes the cavalry militia units and the ring tournaments or cavalry tilts, held in this area from 1830 to at least 1900. But this sketch wanders far afield from coastal Georgia. The sketch on Henry Ford's activities at Richmond Hill, Georgia, from 1925 to 1947 is enlightening and interesting. The authors claim that Ford did much to help a people sunk in poverty, despair, and disease. The book ends with a short historical sketch on the Altamaha River and Darien, the only town on that river's banks.

To this reviewer, the most interesting and in many ways the best sketch is that on agriculture in nineteenth-century Liberty County. It contains detail on post-Civil War agriculture proving that often the county did not fit the "standard" pattern of farming in that period for coastal Georgia. More such local studies are needed to reassess the accepted views of this topic.

Generally the sketches are clearly written, footnotes are adequate, and there is an extensive bibliography although containing a few strange errors. Often the introductions to the sketches are lengthy, in one case taking up about half of the sketch. There are conclusions also to tie the sketches to current historical ideas. This old-fashioned reviewer would have preferred shorter introductions and conclusions and more narrative describing what actually happened in the area. Those interested in Liberty County or coastal Georgia will find these sketches interesting and informative.

University of Georgia KENNETH COLEMAN

The Steamboat Era in Florida is a collection of papers presented at Florida's Second Maritime Heritage Conference held at Silver Springs, March 24, 1984. The papers were edited by Edward A. Mueller and Barbara A. Purdy. William H. Ewen notes in the first essay that the steamboat era began in the United States in 1807 with Robert Fulton's North River (known also as the Clermont). Steamboating began in Florida in the 1830s and con tinued up to about 1920. Steamboats played an important role in the growth and development of Florida. They helped to open up the state for settlement. Steamboats brought in goods from the North and carried out Florida products. They also transferred settlers and tourists, including a number of world famous celebrities. Contributing essays to this volume are J. Revell Carr, Joseph Gutierrez, George E. Buker, Peggy Bulger, Hibbard Casselberry, Jr., James W. Covington, Alfred Robson, Edward A. Mueller, Patricia R. Wickman, John J. LoCastro, Howard B. Tower, Jr., Robert Holcombe, Hampton Dunn, and Herbert J. Doherty, Jr. There are illustrations from the Florida State Archives and many private collections. The price is $15.00. Order from Barbara A. Purdy, Department of Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611, or from Edward A. Muel ler, 4734 Empire Avenue, Jacksonville, FL 32207.

Florida's Pinellas Pennisula, by June Hurley Young, is a pictorial history of the Gulf coast of Florida from St. Petersburg north to Tarpon Springs. Included are the histories of Gulf Port, South Pasadena, the Gulf beaches, Kenneth City, Pinellas Park, Seminole, Belleair Bluffs, Belleair, Largo, Clearwater, Dunedin, Safety Harbor, Oldsmar, and Palm Harbor. The earliest recorded history of the area dates to the voyages of the Spanish explorers: Ponce de Le_n, Narvaez, De Soto, Father Luis Cancer, and Men_ndez. Many of the fascinating characters who have visited the area and influenced its history are described by Mrs. Young. They include Colonel George Mercer Brooke, who established the fort on the Hillsborough River; Odet Phillipe, the first permanent settler of Pinellas Peninsula; Hamilton Disston, who purchased 4,000,000 acres of Florida land from the state; Peter Demens, who owned the Orange Belt Railway and who named St. Petersburg for his native city in Russia; Henry B. Plant, the railroad and hotel magnate; Luis Pappas, patriarch of the famous restaurant family; Hanson P. D. Safford, former governor of Arizona, who promoted Tarpon Springs as a spa and winter resort; and Walter T. Fuller, real estate developer and local historian. The volume includes many pictures, some of which are being printed for the first time. Florida's Pinellas Peninsula was published by Byron Kennedy and Company, Box 10937, St. Petersburg, FL 33733, and it sells for $29.95.

Beginning May 16, 1981, Howard Kleinberg, editor of the Miami News, began publishing a weekly series on Miami and Dade County history. His primary source was the Miami Metropolis which is older than the city itself, and is the predecessor of the News. Kleinberg also utilized the excellent photographic archives and manuscripts in the Historical Association of Southern Florida, the Metro-Miami Public Library, and the Black Archives Foundation. Another valuable source was the papers of early Miami pioneers, and he talked to many old-timers. More than 200 pieces have appeared in the News. Seventy-seven of these have been assembled into a handsome volume titled Miami, The Way We Were. People, places, and events are the subject of Mr. Kleinberg's stories, which trace the history of Miami from its earliest beginings (decades before Jamestown) to the post World War II era. Miami, The Way We Were was published by the Miami Daily News, and the price is $18.95.

Dr. Charles T. Thrift, Jr., former president of Florida Southern University and the Florida Historical Society, died May 5, 1984 (see obituary, Florida Historical Quarterly, October 1984, 245-46). Earlier that day he had attended the Annual Conference of the Florida Methodist Episcopal Church in Bramscomb Auditorium on his campus. In 1984, the Methodist Church was celebrating the bicentennial of its founding. In observance of that anniversary and in memory of Dr. Thrift this collection of Essays on the History of Methodism was republished. In addition to the essays by Dr. Thrift, there are also several tributes to him. The book may be ordered from the United Methodist Church office, Box 1747, Lakeland, FL 32802; the price is $3.50. Dust Tracks on a Road, by Zora Neale Hurston, was first published in 1942. It has been reprinted by the University of Illinois Press with an introduction by Robert E. Hemenway, author of the definitive biography of Hurston. Dust Tracks is described by Hemenway as "one of the most peculiar autobiographies in Afro-American literary history"; it adds to the mystery surrounding Miss Hurston, the noted black anthropologist, folklorist, and novelist, who was born in Eatonville, Florida. Hemenway establishes her birthdate as January 7, 1891, rather than the other dates-1898, 1899, 1900, 1901, 1902, 1903, 1910-which Hurston herself cited in various public documents. Her autobiography omits mention of her second marriage, refuses to name her first husband, and avoids placing personal events within a historical framework. The paradox of the public and private Zora Neale Hurston remains and much mystery about her continues. Nonetheless she had a major impact on American writers, black and white, and her narrative style never disappoints. It is rich and expressive. Included in this edition of Dust Tracks are three previously unpublished chapters, which were part of the original manuscript given to Yale University. One, "My People, My People!" appeared as chapter twelve in the published book, but in a much revised form from the original. Also, "The Inside Light-Being a Salute to Friendship," differs from the published version. The chapter, "Seeing the World as It Is," contained very controversial statements about race and American politics. It was obviously written before Pearl Harbor, and the publisher forced a rewrite. The paperback edition of Dust Tracks on a Road sells for $8.95.

Let Us Alone, by William R. Ervin, is a brief history of Florida with emphasis on the Indians of the area from prehistoric times to about 1940. The black and white illustrations are by Stephanie Kaye Ervin. Let Us Alone sells for $12.95. Order from W & S Ervin Publishing, Box 1267, Port Orange, FL 32029.

The Seminole War, Prelude to Victory 1828-1838 is also by William R. Ervin. This short monograph covers the history of Indian-white relations in Florida prior to the Second Seminole War through the first three years of that conflict. Included are maps showing the location of forts along the Gulf and east Florida coasts. Order from W & S Ervin Publishing; the price is $3.95. Libby Prison was the notorious Confederate internment center at Richmond, Virginia. Thousands of Union soldiers and officers were incarcerated there. One was Lieutenant Colonel Frederic Fern_ndez Cavada. He was born in Cuba of a Spanish father and an American mother, and was educated in Philadelphia. He distinguished himself in the Civil War, and later be came a martyr in the Cuban struggle for independence. He was a civil engineer and topographer by training, but he was also a talented painter. He held the rank of lieutenant colonel in the Union Army; later he was major general during Cuba's War of Independence (1868-1878). He was commander in chief of all Cuban forces when he was captured and executed by Spanish troops. During the American Civil War Cavada was captured at the Battle of Gettysburg and was placed in Libby Prison. There he kept a diary, actually notes on margins of newspapers and on other scraps of paper which were smuggled out when he was paroled in 1864. This diary, Libby Life, was published in 1864, and Cavada directed that the proceeds should go to the widows and orphans of his fellow prisoners. After the war he was appointed by Secretary of State Seward, as United States Consul at Trinidad de Cuba. It was there that he became involved in the Cuban independence movement. Libby Life has been reprinted by University Press of America, Lanham, Maryland. It includes a valuable interpretative essay by Joseph John Jova, president of Meridian House International and former American Ambassador to Mexico. Ambassador Jova is the great grandnephew of the author. He provides important information on Cavada's life and career after the Civil War and his activities in Cuba. The volume sells for $12.50.

University of Alabama Press has republished the Pulitzer Prize winner (1933) The Store by T. S. Stribling in its Library of Alabama Classics Series. Stribling's other two volumes in the trilogy - The Forge and Unfinished Cathedral - are also being reissued by the University of Alabama Press. The Store includes an introduction by Randy K. Cross. The paperback edition sells for $12.95. Also reprinted by the University of Alabama Press is Carl Carmer's Stars Fell on Alabama, which was first published in 1934. This new paperback edition is in the Library of Alabama Classics. It includes an introduction by J. Wayne Flynt, and the price is $12.95. Native Carolinians, The Indians of North Carolina, by Theda Perdue, examines the history of the state's Native Americans, past and present. There is evidence that Paleo Indians were in North Carolina, living in the Piedmont and perhaps in the mountains, thousands of years ago. There is no evidence of permanent houses or villages, burial sites, pottery or agriculture. There are relics of the Archaic peoples, including large soapstone bowls and weapons. Agriculture appeared about 1000 B.C. and native peoples began living near streams where they could grow food products. These were the Woodland Indians, who built permanent homes and made pottery. The Woodland tradition was alive at the time of European contact in the sixteenth century. The other cultural tradition in North Carolina at the time of European exploration and colonization, as Dr. Perdue points out, was the Mississippian. These people moved into the Piedmont from the Mississippi area. Perdue's pamphlet includes chapters on the Indian way of life, Indian-White relations, and the history of the state's two major tribes, the Cherokees and Lumbees. Native Carolinians was published by the North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources, Division of Archives and History. It serves as an excellent teaching tool. The price is $3.00, plus $1.00 for postage.

A Guide to Cherokee Documents in Foreign Archives, by William L. Anderson and James A. Lewis, lists source documents in Canadian, French, British, Mexican, and Spanish Archives. Many of these documents relate to Florida. Particularly rich in Florida items are the public records in Great Britain and the collections in Spain, particularly the Archivo General de Indias in Seville. In addition to listing sources which directly mention the Cherokees, the Guide also lists materials that refer to Cherokee territory and to all southern Indians. Documents are cited in their historical context; if the letter contains attachments or is itself an attachment, this fact is noted. Other pertinent data is also included with each entry: date, geographic origin, type of document if something other than a letter, and the sender and the recipient. A Guide to Cherokee Documents in Foreign Archives was published by Scarecrow Press, Inc., Metuchen, NJ and it sells for $37.50. The largest private medical center in the South is Ochsner's in New Orleans. Established in 1942 by Alton Ochsner and four Tulane University medical professors, it is now world famous for its research and medical care. A few frame structures and an old army hospital were the first facilities. Now Ochsner has a major complex of buildings, and has treated almost 750,000 patients. There have been many trials and tribulations over the years. Once it was even threatened with bankruptcy. Both the problems and the successes are described in detail in Ochsner's: An Informal History of the South's Largest Private Medical Center by John Wilds. Published by the Louisiana State University Press, it sells for $22.50.

Black Progress: Reality or Illusion?, edited by Carol Collins, is a collection of editorials written between 1979 and 1985. They are excerpted from major American newspapers, including many Florida papers. It is organized into sections covering education, economic status, civil rights, and politics. Riots erupted in Miami on May 17, 1980, after an all-white jury in Tampa had acquitted four former Dade County police officers who were charged in the fatal beating of a black insurance executive from Miami. These riots were the subject of stories and editorials carried in newspapers in America and throughout the world. Editorials from the Miami Herald, the St. Petersburg Times, and other major newspapers are included in this volume. Published by Facts on File, Inc., New York, Black Progress sells for $22.50.

Florida History Fair Final competition for the fourth annual Florida History Fair was May 2-3, 1985, at the Florida Historical Society's annual meeting in Tallahassee. Eight winners from county history/social science fairs participated in the state contest. The first prize winner was Adri Spain of Washington High School, Pensacola. Her project was "Poverty to Power," and her teacher was Karen Moore. Leigh Eubanks, of Ferry Past Middle School, Pensacola, was runner-up. His project was "Simon de Monteford: English Baronial Reform," and his teacher was Marietta Clark. Michael Faughn, of Bellevue Middle School, Leon County, was the third winner with his project, "Triumph at Natural Bridge." His teacher was Janice Inzer. Other winners included Steve Carlin, Mainland High School, Daytona Beach (Susan Preston, teacher); David McGrath, Sugarmill Elementary School, Daytona Beach (Barbara Shaffer and Charles Bradford, teachers); Lisa Stevenson, Griffin Middle School, Leon County (Debra Rice, teacher); Michelle Enfinger, Rocklake Middle School, Seminole County (Carol Elliott and John Rafferty, teachers); and Holly Howard, Pinemeadows Elementary School, Escambia County (Marion Woods, teacher). Olive Peterson, Owen North, Chris LaRoche, and Gerald McSwiggan served as judges for the Florida History Fair Competition.

Adri Spain, Leigh Eubanks, and Michael Faughn entered their projects in the National History Fair in Washington, D. C., from June 11-14. All their projects received "superior ratings" at the national level.

The Florida History Fair was sponsored by the Florida Historical Society with generous support from Gerald McSwiggan. Dr. Paul S. George, University of Miami, served as chairman of the Florida History Fair.

Announcements and Activities

The eleventh Gulf Coast History and Humanities Conference will be held in Pensacola, Florida, March 6-8, 1986. The theme of the 1986 Conference is "Civil War and Reconstruction on the Gulf Coast." The proceedings of this conference will be published. For information, contact Dr. Grace Earnest, Pensacola Junior College, Pensacola, FL 32504.

The Robert Manning Strozier Library, Florida State University, Tallahassee, has acquired the official and personal papers, documents, photographs, recordings, books, and memorabilia of Claude Pepper. It also includes the papers, memorabilia, and paintings of Mildred Irene Webster Pepper, the congressman's late wife. The papers cover Pepper's politically active life from his years as Florida legislator in the late 1920s as United States Senator during the 1930s and 1940s to his career as Congressman from the 1960s to the present. They also include cor respondence and speeches relating to senior citizens, his major topic of concern. The papers of Claude and Mildred Pepper, currently over 475 cubic feet, are in the Mildred and Claude Pepper Library in Dodd Hall. The collection is open for research purposes.

The Bureau of Florida Folklife has received a grant from the National Endowment for the Arts to support a comprehensive folk arts survey of the Metro-Dade County area. The project is co-sponsored by the Historical Museum of Southern Florida and the Metro-Dade Council of Arts and Sciences. Professional folklorists will identify and document the Miami area's traditional arts and folk artists who are associated with significant ethnic population groups: Cuban, Haitian, Jamaican, Yiddish, Greek, Polish, Conch, Chinese, and Mexican. The results of the survey will be presented at a folk arts exhibition at the Historical Museum of Southern Florida, Miami (March 22-23, 1986) and at the annual Florida Folk Festival at White Springs (May 24-26, 1986). For information on the project, contact the Florida Folklife Programs, Box 265, White Springs, FL 32096.

A conference, entitled the "Sunbelt: A Region and Regionalism in the Making?" will be held in downtown Miami at the University of Miami's Knight Conference Center, November 4-8, 1985. This is the first national multidisciplinary research conference dealing with all aspects of the Sunbelt region. Leading scholars from the social sciences and humanities will present papers and lead discussions dealing with the region's significance in contemporary America. They will also try to set research agendas for disciplinary and multidisciplinary study in the 1980s and the 1990s. For information on the conference contact Dr. Stanley Brunn, Chairman of the Department of Geography, University of Kentucky, Lexington, KY 40506.

The Historical Museum of Southern Florida is sponsoring two special exhibits this fall. One, "Powder Horns in the Southern Tradition," cosponsored with the Museum of Florida His tory, Tallahassee, will be on display through October 31, 1985. The other exhibit, "Wings Over Miami," emphasizes the role that Miami and South Florida has played in the history of aviation from 1911, the date of the first local flight, to 1940 when the Miami area became recognized as a major center for international aviation. The exhibit will open November 8, 1985, and continue through February 13, 1986. Through the generosity of the Knight Foundation, the Historical Association is also reprinting The Commodore's Story by Ralph Middleton Munroe and Vincent Gilpin, and They All Called It Tropical by Charles M. Brookfield and Oliver Griswold.

"Winter Park Documentary," a special photographic exhibition, will be showing from November 15 through December 20, 1985, at Crealde School of Art in Winter Park. It is a result of a photographic survey directed by Peter Schreyer, Crealde faculty member and program coordinator. Some seventy-five black and white photographs of the history of Winter Park are included in the documentary which will be part of a travelling museum to other Florida cities. For information, call (305) 6711886.

The Florida Genealogical Society will hold its ninth annual conference at the Holiday Inn Northeast in Tampa on November 8-9, 1985. For information on the conference, contact Dorothy Gardat, 22502 North Glen Avenue, Tampa, FL 33607. The Society is also planning a series of volumes on Hillsborough County cemeteries. The first volume will list names "A through F." For information on the publication, contact the Society, Box 18624, Tampa, FL 33679. A genealogical survey seminar is being presented by the Everton Publishers, November 2, 1985, at the Orange Park Lions Club, 324 Stowe Avenue, Orange Park, Florida. For information, contact Mrs. Iris Siques, Branch Genealogical Library, Box 943, Orange Park, FL 32073 (904) 272-1150 or 781-5985.

In July 1985 the Dade Heritage Trust announced the recipients of its annual Preservation Awards in the areas of restora tion, preservation, and distinguished service. Awards for restoration of historic structures were given to the Magic City Resto ration Company for the restoration of the Warner Place in Miami; Les Beilinson, architect, for his efforts on the Flagler House facade in Miami; Thomas Henry for Anderson's Corner in the Redlands; and Mr. and Mrs. Huber R. Parsons, Jr., for the restoration of their Coral Gables home. Winners of awards for outstanding preservation programs were the city of Miami for its adaptive reuse of historic Fire Station No. 4; Borrelli & Associates for their feasibility study of the redevelopment of the Gusman Cultural Center/Olympia Building; and Borrelli, Frankel, Blitstein Architects for the rehabilitation of the old Miami Beach City Hall. Receiving an award for distinguished service to the field of preservation was Les Beilinson, member of the Board of Trustees for Dade Heritage Trust. The Trust is a non-profit Florida corporation dedicated to the preservation, restoration, and use of historic properties in Dade County.

The Kentucky Historical Society has presented its Richard H. Collins Award for 1985 to Professor Frank F. Mathias, University of Dayton, and William J. Marshall, University of Ken tucky Library. The award recognizes outstanding research and writing. The winning essays were published in 1984 in The Register of the Kentucky Historical Society.

Ronald Hase, under a grant from the National Endowment for the Arts, is conducting research on Florida Cracker architecture. He is seeking information on older properties (construc tion dates from the Civil War to World War I) in North Florida and the Panhandle-farm houses, plantation homes, townhouses, industrial buildings, and commercial and resort structures. Contact Mr. Hase at 607 S.W. 27 Street, Gainesville, FL 32607. Dave Kingman, 608 May Flower Avenue, Fort Walton Beach, FL 32548 is seeking information about current Florida aviation museums and aircraft displays. This data will be published in the Florida Aviation Historical Society Newsletter.

EIGHTY-THIRD MEETING PROCEEDINGS OF THE EIGHTY-THIRD MEETING OF THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY AND FLORIDA HISTORICAL CONFEDERATON WORKSHOPS 1985

PROGRAM

Thursday, May 2 FLORIDA HISTORICAL CONFEDERATION Registration: Capitol Complex, Tallahassee, Florida

Morning Sessions

SOURCES AND RESOURCES

Photographs: Dr. Linda Mainville, Florida Photographic Collection

Collections: Dennis Pullen, Museum of Florida History Paper: Isabel Kirkwood, Paper Conservation Laboratory Metal/Wood: Herbert Bump, Bureau of Archaeological Research

Evening Sessions FLORIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY MEETING OF THE DIRECTORS

Friday, May 3

FLORIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY: REGISTRATION FLORIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY SESSIONS Session I: Postwar Florida Politics, 1945-1963 Chair: Peter Klingman, Daytona Beach Community College Session II: Florida Blacks in the 1860s, The Lot of the Soldiers Chair: John Scafidi, Florida State Archives

Session III: Film and Video as Means of Communicating Florida's Past

Chair: Paul S. George, University of Miami

Evening Program

FLORIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY BANQUET Presiding: Randy Nimnicht, president Florida Historical Society

The Honorable George Firestone, Secretary of State Presentations of Awards

Florida History Fair Awards Presented by Paul S. George

Arthur T. Thompson Memorial Award in Florida History Presented by J. Leitch Wright, Jr. to Daniel L. Schafer

Rembert W. Patrick Book Prize Presented by Herbert J. Doherty, Jr. to Donald C. Curl

Charlton W. Tebeau Junior Book Prize Presented by Charlton W. Tebeau to Scott O'Dell

Florida Historical Confederation State Merit Award Presented by Patricia Bartlett

Saturday, May 4

FLORIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY ANNUAL BUSINESS MEETING

Session IV: Spaniards and Indians: The Past as Revealed at the San Luis Site Chair: Janet Snyder Matthews, Sarasota Presentors: Gary Shapiro and John Hann Bureau of Archaeological Research Division of Archives, History and Records Management

Commentator: Amy Bushnell, Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board FLORIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

MINUTES OF THE BOARD MEETING May 2, 1985

The annual meeting of the board of directors of the Florida Historical Society was called to order at 7:30 p.m., May 2, 1985, at the Brokow-McDougal House, Tallahasee, Florida, by President Randy F. Nimnicht. Present were: Lucius F. Ellsworth, president-elect; Paul S. George, vice-president; Linda K. Williams, recording secretary; Gary R. Mormino, executive director; and directors Alva L. Jones, Marcia J. Kanner, Mary C. Linehan, Gerald W. McSwiggan, L. Ross Morrell, Owen North, George F. Pearce, Daniel L. Schafer, Michael Slicker, William M. Straight, and Kyle S. VanLandingham. Also attending were Dr. Thomas Greenhaw, editor of the Florida Historical Newsletter, and Hayes Kennedy, chairman of the finance committee, Dr. Samuel Proctor, Richard Brooke, Jr., Hampton Dunn, Bettye D. Smith, and Dr. Larry E. Rivers were absent.

The minutes of the December 1984 board meeting in Tampa, as printed in the Florida Historical Quarterly, LXIII (April 1985), were amended to read that the confederation and newsletter committees will be appointed at this meeting. Approved.

Gary Mormino, executive director, presented his annual report. He offered his perspective on the state of the Florida His torical Society. Membership in the Society fell from more than 1,800 members in the 1970s to 1,300 in 1983. At the same time, the prestige of the organization, once regarded as the spokeman for Florida history, had been surrendered to other statewide organizations. Paradoxically, the financial assets of the organization, due to prudent investments in the 1970s have grown dramatically.

The Florida Historical Quarterly remains the stabilizing element within the Society, and if our organization only published the Quarterly, it would have served a special purpose. However, there seemed to be a general consensus that the Society needed a director and direction and that the principal aim of the organization should be to promote Florida history, not merely stockpile revenues.

Identifying and learning the intricacies of the Society and the state's cultural and educational organizations required a commitment of time and energy during this first year for the executive director. A vast network of resources exists in the state, and the Society must cooperate with these institutions if it is to maintain and sustain leadership, growth, and program development.

In order to best utilize state resources, the Society must understand the strengths and weaknesses of its own organization. The Society had been allowed to drift, not without aims but without direction. Loose administrative procedures at the Society's headquarters, the result of internal and external factors, are being corrected.

The Society plays a valuable role as an information center. Dr. Mormino is often requested to assist with school projects, genealogical searches, and historical inquiry. Paul Camp, archivist at the University of South Florida, has been helpful in assisting the executive director. The Society is hamstrung by obsolete equipment and the inability to master new technologies which would greatly enhance the ability to meet demands. The filing system has not kept abreast of new technologies.

Thousands of form letters are typed each year which could be handled by a word processor.

During the last several years, the Society's fiscal status has been deceptively secure. The investment of funds in restricted money market accounts-a move that has increased the Society's assets-has obscured its overall economic standing. In reality, the Society has not, as appeared in annual reports, operated a $6,000 average surplus, but has generally broken even or suffered a slight deficit. For instance, in 1983, the Society withdrew $3,000 from the Julien Yonge Publication account to pay bills. Distinctions must be recognized between restricted and unrestricted funds.

The Society is now embarking on a series of new campaigns (membership drives and educational programs) which, it is believed will generate revenues needed for future needs. If the Society is to play a leadership role and bring its message to the public, money must be spent. Revenues should be used as a means to an end: the promotion of Florida history. What is good for Florida history is good for the Florida Historical Society. The Florida Historical Society is launching several exciting new projects. A commitment to the teaching of Florida history in public schools is a keystone in Society programming. Many developments portend future promise in this area. The executive director led workshops for teachers in Hillsborough and Pinellas counties. In February 1985, Dr. George and Dr. Mormino talked with county social science coordinators meeting in Orlando about the role the Society could play in curriculum development and the importance of the history fair. A grant is being submitted to the Florida Endowment for the Humanities, to underwrite a summer workshop in Florida history, to be held at the University of South Florida. A society-sponsored workshop will be given in Tallahassee in October.

The North Carolina Division of Archives and History received a prize in 1984 for publication of a five-volume series on the social history of the state. The Florida Historical Society has within its grasp the talent to underwrite a similarly ambitious project. Dr. Jerrell Shofner is considering editing under the auspices of the Society, a collection of essays, complied from the Florida Historical Quarterly articles. It could be used as a supplemental text in Florida history. The last index of the Florida His torical Quarterly was compiled in 1975; a new index is needed.

In the past year, the executive director has spoken to a variety of social and educational groups in the state. Most of the speaking engagements have been in the Tampa Bay area, because of logistical restraints. Such expenditures of time and energy have raised the image of the Society, but have resulted in a questionable return of identifiable dividends, i.e., memberships. The Society needs to tap the energies of its membership.

In early December, the Society will hold a commemoration of the 150th anniversary of the Dade Massacre in Bushnell. Dr. John Mahon and Frank Laumer have agreed to lead tours and discuss the event for a limited number of Society members. Other similar events might be organized.

The Society is gaining new members. The problem confronting membership is complex. It is not that members are not join ing the Society, but during the last decade over 2,000 individuals allowed their memberships to lapse. The Society has only rarely recruited members in a systematic way. A brochure addressing this problem is being prepared. The executive director, with a mailing list of the Tampa Historical Society and a letter signed by prominent Tampans, secured forty new members. This could be repeated in other parts of the state. Dr. Mormino discussed the financial report for the period January 1-December 31, 1984. He explained the new accounting procedures which distinguish between the restricted and unrestricted accounts. There has been some blurring of the funds in the past, but that is no longer possible. The Julien Yonge account increased from the original investment of $9,000 to current assets of $16,860. In 1983, $3,000 was transferred from the account to cover operating expenses. Dr. Mormino recommended that this amount be returned to the Yonge account which was designed to underwrite publications.

President Nimnicht stated that the board has an obligation to stand by these restricted account concepts, but from a pragmatic standpoint it needs to know what the restrictions are. For instance, can the Yonge account be utilized for compiling and publishing the Florida Historical Quarterly index? He believed that Dr. Proctor, editor of the Quarterly, and everyone else will agree with this. Dr. Ellsworth suggested that Dr. Proctor, Dr. Goza, and Milton Jones clarify the special accounts. Moreover, he stated that the Society should not expend money out of any of these accounts until their purposes are defined.

Dr. Ellsworth proposed that Dr. Mormino's traveling expenses be broken down into two accounts: $500 for his personal discretionary account and $1,400 for travel. He pointed out that the Society provides Dr. Proctor $1,000 as a discretionary account. This motion was seconded by Mr. McSwiggan and car ried.

Dr. Mormino discussed the issue of membership growth. On December 31, 1984, the Society numbered 1,375 members, which increased to 1,433 in April 1985. Dr. Mormino expects to register more gains for 1985-1986.

Because of the importance of promoting growth, Mormino asked the board to reconsider its December 1984 decision to increase individual membership fees from $15.00 to $22.50. The action had a negative reaction, and it will be easier to promote memberships to individuals if the fee is $20.00. Currently, libraries pay $15.00, and Dr. Mormino recommended that the individual membership be reduced to $20.00, and that an institutional membership be set at $25.00. President Nimnicht re minded the directors of the need for the Society to become as self-sufficient as possible in all of its operations, including supporting one staff position and part of the other, both now funded by the University of South Florida. Dr. Pearce moved and Mr. North seconded a motion to change dues from $22.50 to $20.00, and the motion carried. Dr. Schafer moved that there be an institutional membership at $25.00. Seconded by Dr. Ellsworth, the motion carried. The following categories were established: Individuals, $20.00; Family, $25.00; Institutional, $25.00; Student, $15.00; and Contributing, $50.00 and up. Dr. Ellsworth suggested that the Society ask Dr. Proctor and Dr. Mormino to present at the December board meeting a proposal for indexing the Quarterly. This would include the cost of indexing and printing the volumes, beginning with fifty-four.

Mrs. Kanner suggested that revenue sources for this work be investigated. President Nimnicht recommended that the executive director present all ideas to the board on individual projects, including cost and revenue sources.

Dr. Mormino announced another project involving publishing articles from the Quarterly as a supplemental text for teachers. Ms. Wickman stressed the importance of working with the state department of education so that such a volume can be integrated into the educational system at whatever level is selected. Dr. Mormino will present a proposal at the December meeting.

The board endorsed Dr. Mormino's plan to seek funding from the Florida Endowment for the Humanities for the Summer Institute for Teachers.

In the absence of Dr. Proctor, the executive director read his report on the Florida Historical Quarterly. During the past year (April 1984-April 1985) the Florida Historical Quarterly received thirty-eight articles. Seventeen were returned, either because they were unsuitable for the journal or needed rewriting. Several of the articles were revised and returned to be reconsidered for publication. Sixteen articles were published in Volume LXIII (July 1984-April 1985). A total of 114 books were reviewed in the book review and book notes sections of the Quarterly. Approximately one-half dealt with Florida; all others had a southern theme. The policy of the Quarterly is to review all books, monographs, pamphlets, and other materials dealing with Florida. It also reviews books relating to the South with historical themes involving Florida. The Quarterly encourages professional and non-professional historians and graduate students to submit articles based upon primary sources, dealing with any aspect of Florida history. They need to include some analysis or intrepretation of the subject, in addition to description. Submissions must demonstrate clarity, knowledge of the subject, research skills, and their significance to Florida history. If the Quarterly is successful, it is because of the work and support of many people. This includes the office staff, particularly Richard J. Junkins, the graduate student assigned to work with the Quarterly, and Roberta Young, the secretary. The staff utilizes the resources of the P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History and is grateful for the cooperation of Elizabeth Alexander and Stephen Kerber. Joan Morris of the State Photographic Archives is always most helpful in providing photographic material. Photographic material is also received from local historical societies and museums. The Quarterly's printer, Dick Johnston, and the personnel of E. O. Painter Printing Company are unfailing in their help. Dr. Gary Mormino has been cooperative in every way. The University of Florida Library and the Florida State Museum provides office space and telephone services. The College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, the Department of History, and the Office of Academic Affairs continue their generous support of the Quarterly's activities. The University of Florida has been supporting the publication of the Florida Historical Quarterly since 1944. Included in Dr. Proctor's report was the announcement of the 1984-1985 literary prizes: the Arthur W. Thompson Memorial Prize in Florida History will be awarded to Daniel L. Schafer for his article, "Plantation Development in British East Florida: A Case Study of the Earl of Egmont," which appeared in the October 1984 issue of the Florida Historical Quarterly. The Rembert W. Patrick Memorial Book Prize will be pre sented to Donald W. Curl for his book, Mizner's Florida, American Resort Architecture. The Charlton W. Tebeau Junior Book Award will be given to Scott O'Dell for his book, Alexandra. These awards will be presented to the recipients at the banquet on Friday evening. The Florida awards made by the American Assocation for State and Local History will also be presented.

President Nimnicht announced that Dr. Proctor is being recognized this weekend in spring commencement exercises of the University of Florida as Distinguished Alumnus. At the same ceremony in Gainesville, William M. Goza will receive the honorary Doctor of Humane Letters degree. He extended his con gratulations on behalf of the officers and the board of directors. Nimnicht also announced that Dr. Goza, on behalf of the Wentworth Foundation, is again contributing $1,000 for the support of the Quarterly.

Dr. Greenhaw reported on the Florida History Newsletter. He is trying to secure advertisements or financial support. He thanked Ms. Wickman and Mrs. Shofner for their help in getting out the current issue of the Newsletter. President Nimnicht asked Dr. Greenhaw to inform Dr. Mormino of each issue so that a purchase order can be prepared.

Ms. Wickman reported on the activities of the Florida Historical Confederation. The Directory of Historical Agencies has been printed, and she thanked the Division of Archives, History and Records Management and the Museum of Florida History for their support in this project. The $100 which the board had allocated to the project was not needed and has been returned. President Nimnicht reported that the Directory cost $2,414.09 (.80_ per copy) and that 3,000 copies were printed. The Museum of Florida History will mail the Directory to anyone requesting a copy. The availability of the Directory will also be announced in the Newsletter and the Quarterly. Ms. Wickman reported on the feasibility of producing a resource handbook for historical agencies in Florida. The eight basic areas that might be dealt with are administration, collections, exhibits, education, development, publications, research, and fiscal planning. It would cost approximately $9.00 each to produce the volumes. The Confederation wants to use its funds to produce the handbook during the next eighteen months and to increase Confed eration membership fees to $20.00, utilizing the handbook as a membership benefit. Current membership is $10.00. There are 450 agencies listed in the new Directory, but the Florida Historical Confederation has only eighty-five members. Mr. Nimnicht asked Ms. Wickman to do a mailing promoting the Confederation and announcing the Florida handbook project. Ms. Wickman also announced the creation of a list of individuals who are affiliated with historical agencies in Florida who can act as speakers or resource persons. Dr. Curl is chairman of this activity.

Mr. VanLandingham reported on behalf of the finance committee. The E. F. Hutton cash reserve management money mar ket account, through December 31, 1984, is $69,323. The income generated during 1984 was $6,416, all of which was reinvested in the management account. The Society's money market account was currently earning seven and one-half to eight per cent, down from a previous high of sixteen per cent. Hayes Kennedy, chairman of the finance committee recommended that the board authorize the withdrawal of a portion of the funds to be invested in three to five year accounts yielding higher interest. The executive director will wait for the finance committee's recommendation. Mr. Nimnicht asked the board for investment suggestions. The president announced that the board of directors will consider all of the financial matters being discussed at their mid-winter meeting to be held December 7, 1985, at the Society's headquarters, the University of South Florida Library.

Dr. Mormino recognized the gift from the Wentworth Foundation for $1,000, and Dr. Ellsworth announced that a $1,000 contribution had been received from the Florida History Associates to pay for the Society's reception at the Old Capitol.

Ellsworth expressed appreciation for the support of Dr. Lee Warner, Ross Morrell, and Dr. Goza, who is president of the Florida History Associates.

Dr. George noted that there are five counties participating in this year's history fair. Mr. McSwiggan contributed the money needed to send the contestants to the National History Fair in Washington, D.C. President Nimnicht thanked Dr. George and Mr. McSwiggan.

Mrs. Kanner presented revisions of the by-laws and distributed a summary of the proposed changes. These are available at the registration table to all members. Dr. Ellsworth moved, and Mrs. Olive Peterson seconded the adoption of the revised by-laws. Motion passed.

Mr. Slicker gave the report of the library assessment committee. He expressed concern over the amount in the Father Jerome Fund and the amount that should be spent on library acquisitions. As noted in his report and confirmed by President Nimnicht, no formal agreement exists between the University of South Florida Library and the Florida Historical Society as to the University's responsibilities for the Society's library. The committee recommends that a written agreement between the Society and University of South Florida be negotiated regarding this matter. The committee also recommends the compilation of a directory that lists resources of various depositories in Florida to be published in the Quarterly. Ms. Wickman noted a similar project currently underway by the Florida State Archives in conjunction with the Society of Florida Archivists. Dr. George is also working on a resource directory.

Dr. Ellsworth expressed concerns about renegotiating with the University of South Florida. The directors discussed the merit of retaining the collection. He moved the board's endorsement of the implementation of major items in Mr. Slicker's re port, and moved that the committee, working with the executive director make further recommendations in regard to the library. Ms. Wickman seconded the motion, which passed. Mr. Nimnicht thanked the committee and other board members for their excellent work.

Dr. Mormino gave the nominating committee report for Hampton Dunn. Five names will be recommended to the membership by the nominating committee: Earle Bowden, Pen sacola; Raymond Mohl, Florida Atlantic University; David Colburn, University of Florida; Wright Langley, Key West; and Marcia Kanner. President Nimnicht noted that under the bylaws Mrs. Kanner cannot serve another term; no member may be nominated to be reelected as director until a lapse of one year between terms. Dr. George suggested Dr. Greg Bush for the fifth director position.

Dr. Mormino gave the education report, stating that several workshops are being planned for teachers.

President Nimnicht reported that the Florida Historical Society had received an official invitation from Sarasota signed by Lillian Burns for the 1986 meeting. Mrs. Jan Matthews, however, reported that all the hotels had been booked for a medical conference at the time. As a result, Bradenton was selected as the site for the 1986 meeting. President Nimnicht has appointed the following program committee for 1986: Dr. Schafer, chair; Dr. William Straight; Dr. Amy Bushnell, and Dr. Larry Rivers.

The following nominating committee was also appointed: Linda Williams, Alva Jones, Terri Horrow, Leitch Wright, William Adams, and Paul George. Dr. Straight moved and Ms. Wickman seconded the board's approval of the committee, which passed.

There being no further business, the meeting was adjourned. Minutes of the Business Meeting May 4, 1985 Randy Nimnicht, president, called the annual business meeting of the Florida Historical Society to order on Saturday, May 4, 1985, at 9:00 a.m. at the San Luis Archaelogical and Historic Site in Tallahassee, Florida.

President Nimnicht noted his concerns about the lack of growth of the Society and the greater prestige of other historical organizations in the state; this concern has been expressed by other members over the past few years. The board had asked Mr. Nimnicht to head a committee called the "Future of the Society." That committee has worked over a number of years and concludes that if the Society is to grow, it must offer more programs. The board of directors endorsed a course for additional activities and programs as well as for membership growth and a closer working relationship with the University of South Florida.

Mr. Nimnicht explained that the Florida Historical Society has three support budgets: the Society's operational budget; a subsidy from the University of Florida for the publication of the Florida Historical Quarterly; and the University of South Florida's subsidy for an account clerk and one-half of the executive director's salary, in addition to facilities for the library and care of all the Society's collections. These are worth an estimated $45,000. The Society has agreed that over the course of the next three years it must try to subsidize the salary of the account clerk and part of the executive director's salary. The president thanked Dr. Lucius Ellsworth for negotiating the agreement with the University of South Florida. He also thanked Dr. Gary Mormino, the Society's executive director, who has brought new energy and direction to his position. During the past year the president has appointed committees to examine all current programs, including the library, membership, finance, by-laws, Florida Historical Confederation, and the Florida History Newsletter. Mr. Nimnicht stated that any recommendations for change should be examined on the basis of revenue and cost. The Society will strive to keep the costs of the annual meeting low so that as many members as possible can attend. The president concluded his remarks by noting that over the past decade, the Society has lost 2,007 members, an average of over 200 per year. To date there are 1,375 members. The number of losses must be reduced and new members added.

Dr. Gary Mormino, executive director, reported on the status of the Society. As of December 1984, assets totaled $98,183. Much of that amount is in restricted accounts set up to fund special projects such as purchasing books for the Society's library and promoting publications. These accounts will be maintained for their original purposes. This past year the Society had an $1,100 surplus in the unrestricted account. There were 1,375 members in 1984 and efforts are underway to recruit new members. Dr. Mormino has been invited to speak to different groups about the Society, and his office is developing a new promotional brochure.

The Society is discussing the publication of a book of readings on Florida history, and the need for updating the index of the Florida Historical Quarterly. The Society continues to be involved with the Florida History Fair. This summer Dr. Mormino will be participating in a series of history training sessions for teachers to help promote both Florida history and the Society. Any organization desiring a speaker should contact him. Volunteers in the Society's library are also welcome. President Nim nicht told members that if they have an idea for a Society project they should contact Dr. Mormino.

Dr. Mormino read Dr. Proctor's report as editor of the Florida Historical Quarterly (see minutes of directors' meeting). Dr. Paul George announced the slate of officers as recommended by the nominating committee (Linda Ellsworth, Dr. Eugene Lyon, Gwendolyn Waldorf, and Hampton Dunn, chair). Nominated as directors were J. Earle Bowden of Pensacola, district 1; Wright Langley of Key West and Gregory Bush of Miami, district 3; Raymond Mohl of Boca Raton, district 4; and David Colburn of Gainesville, at large. Charles Crimson moved that the slate be accepted as presented and Patti Bartlett seconded. The motion carried.

President Nimnicht announced the following as the nomination committee for 1986: Linda Williams, chair; Alva Jones; Terri Horrow; Leitch Wright; William Adams; and Paul George. Members were urged to contact the committee members with suggestions of people to serve on the board. Alva Jones presented the report of the membership dues assessment committee (Hampton Dunn, Gary Mormino, and Oliver Moore). Members approved the board's recommendations for dues: Student, $15.00; Individual, $20.00; Family, $25.00; Institutional, $25.00; and Contributor, $50.00 or more. There was discussion about the status of life memberships. It was agreed that no new memberships in this category would be accepted since they do not provide enough revenue and are difficult to administer. Corporate members will be sought.

Mrs. Marcia Kanner, chair of the by-laws committee, reported several proposed changes in the by-laws. A summary sheet was distributed to the members. Dr. Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., stated that he felt that the membership should continue to have the authority to ratify changes in the dues structure, and he proposed an amendment to the motion for Article I, Section 2, so that it will read: "dues fixed by the board shall be approved by the membership at the annual meeting of the Society." The motion was seconded and passed. Dr. Doherty further moved to amend the motion so that Article VII, Section 1, reads "these by-laws may be amended by a majority vote of the members of the Society present and voting at the annual meeting of the Society upon and after the recommendation of the board." Seconded by Dr. Ellsworth, the motion carried.

Dr. Jerrell Shofner questioned Article III, Section 3, which makes the chair of the Florida Historical Confederation an exofficio director. This was approved at last year's annual meeting. Discussion followed on the role of the Florida Historical Confederation. President Nimnicht appointed a committee, consisting of Dr. Ellsworth, chair, Pat Wickman, Thomas Greenhaw, Linda Williams, Dr. Shoffner, and Dr. Mormino, to examine the status of the Confederation and the Florida History Newsletter.

Ken Ford questioned the change in Article III, Section 4 which eliminates one district. President Nimnicht explained that the change is recommended to keep Dade and Monroe counties from having too large an input on the board of directors. President Nimnicht called the question on adoption of the by-law revisions, including the two amendments that were offered by Dr. Doherty. The motion carried.

Mrs. Linda Ellsworth reported on the possible demolition of the Floridan Hotel in Tallahassee. Mrs. Kanner offered a resolution whereby the Florida Historical Society registers its concern over the possible loss of this historically significant structure. Mrs. Jones seconded and the motion carried.

President Nimnicht offered the following resolutions, which were seconded and passed unanimously:

WHEREAS Dr. Samuel Proctor is currently being honored by the University of Florida at its commencement exercises with the title of "Distinguished Alumnus," and . . .

WHEREAS the Florida Historical Society has long considered Dr. Proctor to be "Distinguished" not only for his twenty-one years as editor of the Florida Historical Quarterly, but also for his many contributions to the Society and its programs.

BE IT RESOLVED, that the Florida Historical Society adds its sincere congratulations to those of the University of Florida in recognizing the lifetime achievements of Dr. Samuel Proctor.

WHEREAS William M. Goza is currently being honored by the University of Florida at its commencement exercises with the Doctorate of Humane Letters, and . . .

WHEREAS the Florida Historical Society has long appreciated Dr. Goza for his many contributions to the Society as a member, director, and past president. BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, that the Florida Historical Society adds its sincere congratulations to those of the University of Florida in recognizing the lifetime achievements of William Goza.

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, that special thanks be extended to the following organizations for their contributions to the success of this annual meeting: Division of Archives, History and Records Management, Department of Natural Resources, Florida A & M University, Florida History Associates, Inc., Florida State University, Historic Tallahassee Preservation Board, Tallahassee Community College, Tallahassee Historical Society, and the Tallahassee Junior Museum; to the Tallahassee Garden Club and Albertsons grocery; and to Mildred Fryman, Linda Ellsworth, Gwendolyn Waldorf, Mary Louise Ellis, Carl McMurray, Mark Dougherty, Greg Brock, Larry Rivers, Ed Keuchel, Gerard Clark, Patricia Wickman, George Percy, Randolph Kelly, Ross Morrell, Lee Warner, and the staff members of the Museum of Florida History and the Florida State Archives.

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, that the Florida Historical Society expresses its sorrow and sense of loss in the death of the following members during the past year: J. Ollie Edmunds, Ponte Vedra, Florida Mrs. Clyde Fisher, Palm Beach, Florida Clarence V. Griffin, Howey-in-the-Hills, Florida Mrs. William J. Krome, Homestead, Florida Robert C. Stafford, Peninsula, Ohio

Dr. Ellsworth made a motion that the Florida Historical Society endorse the creation of the Constitution Bicentennial Com mission in Florida. The motion was seconded and passed.

The meeting was adjourned at 10:45 a.m.

FLORIDA HISTORICAL CONFEDERATION Executive Committee Meeting May 3, 1985

The meeting was called to order at 7:20 p.m. by Pat Wickman, chair. Present were Susan Clark, Patsy West, Sandy Johnson, Patti Bartlett, Robert Cottrell, Donald Curl, and Terri Horrow. Also present were Dr. Thomas Greenhaw, Dr. Gary Mormino, and Marilyn Parris.

Terri Horrow read the minutes of the last Executive Committee meeting of December 7, 1984; Patti Bartlett moved that the minutes be accepted as read. The motion was seconded and carried.

Dr. Mormino, reported that there had been no expenditures by the Confederation this year. The Florida Historical Confederation had a balance of $1,695.75 as of December 31, 1984. There was a discussion of whether the funds of the Florida Historical Confederation should be merged with those of the Florida Historical Society to ease bookkeeping responsibilities. The treasurer's report was accepted.

Dr. Greenhaw reported that the publication of the spring issue of the Newsletter resulted from the work of Pat Wickman and Shirley Shofner. Dr. Greenhaw urged everyone to send him pertinent information as early as possible. It was suggested that deadlines for submission of information be printed in each issue. All Florida Historical Confederation members and members of the Florida Historical Society receive the Newsletter. Ms. Wickman distributed the new Directory of Historical Agencies. She commended the volunteers for their 450 hours of work compiling the information, and the Confederation members who worked on the survey results. Ms. Wickman will recommend to the Society's board that each member of the Florida Historical Society receive a copy of the Directory.

Ms. Wickman announced the winners of the first annual awards: Publications-Stuart McIver for his series in the Fort Lauderdale News/Sun-Sentinel Sunshine Magazine, submitted by the Fort Lauderdale Historical Society; Education-Dr. Joseph Fitzgerald, guest curator of a special exhibit on the mapping of Florida in the Historical Museum of Southern Florida, submitted by the Historical Association of Southern Florida; Preserva tion/Conservation-Boca Raton Town Hall for its restoration by the Boca Raton Historical Society, submitted by the Palm Beach Historical Society. Plaques will be presented to each winner. The plaques will cost a total of $75.00. Ms. Wickman reported that thirteen nominations had been received in the three categories.

No nominations were submitted for the membership category.

The awards committee-Linda Ellsworth, Samuel Proctor, and James Moody-recommended the establishment of another award for sustained service to Florida history. Everyone was encouraged to think of a name for this award. The guidelines committee will meet again to make changes and revisions for next year. This report should be ready for distribution by September 7. Nominations are due by January 15. Ms. Bartlett moved that the present awards committee continue for three years. After that time one member will rotate off each year with the chairman last. The executive committee will select each new member. The motion was approved.

Ms. Bartlett reported on the cost of the proposed handbook: the price for 100 copies of a looseleaf binder with a silkscreened logo, eight dividers and 100 pages of text will be $1,000. Ms. Clarke moved that the Confederation membership dues be increased to $20.00 when the handbook is released so that it can be used as a membership bonus. The handbook would not be available for sale. The report was approved as recommended. Ms. Horrow moved that the Confederation by-laws be changed directing that executive committee members must attend at least fifty per cent of the meetings to be eligible for re nomination for a second term. Ms. Bartlett moved that potential executive committee members understand that they must attend at least fifty per cent of the meetings during their first term to be eligible for a second term. The motion was approved. Dr. Curl recommended that the Confederation provide speakers for history organization program meetings when requested. Dr. Curl will organize a form to be completed by potential speakers. The matter will be referred to the directors of the Florida Historical Society.

The meeting was adjourned at 9:30 p.m.

FLORIDA HISTORICAL CONFEDERATION Minutes of the General Membership Meeting May 2, 1985

The meeting was called to order by chairman Pat Wickman at 1:05 P.M. at the Hilton Hotel in Tallahasee. She welcomed all Florida Historical Confederation members, members of the board of directors of the Florida Historical Society, and all guests.

Terri Horrow, secretary, read the minutes of the last general membership meeting, May 3, 1984. Dr. Gary Mormino, treasurer, reported that the Confederation balance was $1,695.75. His report was approved. Dr. Greenhaw reported on the Florida History Newsletter. He stressed that information be sent for the Newsletter promptly. Information on personnel changes and new museums and programs is needed. Future deadlines will be published in the Newsletter.

Ms. Wickman, reported that a logo has been prepared for both the Confederation and the Society. The Confederation logo is a part of the larger image of the Le Moyne drawing which will be the Society's logo. A Directory of Historical Organizations has been prepared with support from the Division of Ar chives, History and Records Management. It was prepared through the efforts of eight Museum of Florida History volunteers. The preface includes an organizational profile drawn from the results of the Needs Assessment Survey conducted last year. Copies are available from Ms. Wickman at the Museum of Florida History. A resource handbook for historical agencies in Florida is a project which the Executive Committee is working on. It will focus on eight areas: administration, collections, exhibits, education, development, publications, research, and physical plant. The first annual Confederation awards were announced. The winners are: Publication-Stuart McIver for his series in the Fort Lauderdale News/Sun-Sentinel's Sunshine Magazine; Education-Joseph Fitzgerald, curator of the exhibit on mapping the state of Florida at the Historical Museum of Southern Florida; Restoration-Boca Raton Historical Society for the Boca Raton Town Hall. The awards committee recommended the establishment of an additional award for sustained service in Florida history. The Confederation compiled a resource list of people to act as speakers on a variety of topics. Dr. Donald Curl is developing a form to identify these people.

The nominating committee report was made by Ed McCarron, chairman. Other members of the committee were Russ Be lous and Kenneth Ford. The following slate was presented (all have served one term and are eligible for a second term) Pat Wickman, district 1; Patti Bartlett and Robert Cottrell, district 2; and Donald Curl and Terri Horrow, district 3. The motion that the slate be accepted was approved.

Pat Wickman introduced Randall Kelley, director of the Division of Archives, History and Records Management, who talked about the activities of the Division and its support of historical organizations throughout the state of Florida.

The meeting was adjourned at 1:45 p.m.

GIFTS TO THE SOCIETY 1984-1985

The Wentworth Foundation, Inc., presented a check for $1,000 to help support the activities of the Florida Historical Quarterly. Gerald McSwiggan continues to support the History Fair projects with a gift of $1,000. Mr. and Mrs. John DuBois gave a cash gift to the Father Jerome Book Fund; other gifts were received from Alva Jones and Helen Walpole. Books and periodicals were received from the National Conservation Advisory Council, Smithsonian Institution, Putnam County Genealogical Society, editors of American Heritage Magazine, Ron G. Hickox, Southern Bell Telephone, and Michael Piper.

NEW MEMBERS

For the year 1984

Robert W. Aaron, Plant City Leatrice Aberman, Miami William H. Adams, Gainesville **Mr. and Mrs. James L. Alderman, Tampa Michael S. Alderman, Tallahassee **Mr. and Mrs. Joe Anderson, Jr., Old Town James Andrews, Fort Pierce George Artman, Jr., Punta Gorda **Mr. and Mrs. Ken Barnes, Jr., Odessa Marcia L. Beasley, Floral City John Belohlaveck, Tampa **Mr. and Mrs. B. Frank Bowen, Seffner **Mr. and Mrs. Elliott Brown, Chattahoochee Warren J. Brown, Largo F. Ivan Burry, Fort Pierce Gregory Bush, Coral Gables **Mr. and Mrs. Gary W. Cameron, Plant City **Mr. and Mrs. Philip L. Camp, Fort Pierce Hibbard Casselberry, Jr., Fort Lauderdale **Dr. and Mrs. Jerry H. Center, Belleair James C. Clark, Orlando **James Clark and Deborah Boles, Melbourne *David Coles, Tallahassee **Mr. and Mrs. Harley G. Cowles, Fort Pierce Mary A. Cox, North Miami Beach Carol S. Cupery, Tallahasee Mrs. R. S. Dean, Sr., Fort Myers John T. Dunkin, Fort Pierce John Durham, Fort Pierce Sara Eaton, Miami Beach **Mr. and Mrs. William Everett, Brandon Mrs. David A. Falk, Tampa **Hon. and Mrs. Dante Fascell, Miami Colleen J. Fenrich, Port Richey Harry A. Ferran, Orlando **Mr. and Mrs. Joseph Fitzgerald, Miami Garcia Fleishman, Tampa **Mr. and Mrs. John T. Foster, Tallahassee A. David Fountain, Tampa Patricia Freedman, La Belle JoAnn Giannini, St. Petersburg Mrs. William Gilmore, Pensacola **Mr. and Mrs. Arthur M. Goldberg, Sarasota Neil K. Graham, Stuart **Dr. and Mrs. L. G. Gramling, Gainesville Huber H. Griffin, DeLand Robert Griffin, Jacksonville *Mrs. Irma A. Grigg, Fort Myers Ray M. Hall, East Palatka *Mary J. Hanes, Davie Josephine H. Harrison, Palmetto Charles T. Hart, Jr., Okeechobee Lomie Y. Helmich, Fort Pierce **Mr. and Mrs. Lloyd G. Hendry, Fort Myers **Mr. and Mrs. E. G. Henriquez, West Palm Beach Barbara J. Hightower, Fort Pierce Samuel S. Hill, Jr., Gainesville **Mr. and Mrs. William Hilla, Jr., Melbourne Elise R. Hollowes, Jacksonville Christina P. Hooker, Okeechobee John Hoover, Orlando James A. Horland, North Miami Wiley L. Housewright, Tallahassee Ed Hughes, Spring Hill Donald J. Ivey, Orlando Mrs. A. B. Jackson, Fort Pierce Mrs. Ada Jaki, Aurora, IL **Mr. and Mrs. Jesse A. Jones, San Antonio **Mr. and Mrs. G. H. Junkins, Aurora, IL Richard D. Junkins, Orlando Kit S. Kapp, Osprey Henry C. Kelly, Okeechobee **Mr. and Mrs. Paul D. Kennon, Fort Pierce Fran L. Kerce, Okeechobee Harry J. Kicliter, Jr., Fort Pierce **Mr. and Mrs. Jim Kirby, Fort Pierce Michael G. Kissner, Vero Beach **Mr. and Mrs. J. Knight, Clermont **Mr. and Mrs. Robert C. Knowles, Fort Pierce Robin Krawitz, Nashville, TN ***Angus Laird, Tallahassee Allen Lastinger, Jr., Jacksonville *Murray D. Laurie, Gainesville **Mr. and Mrs. Perry Lloyd, Fort Pierce Mrs. Charles Lovein, Jr., Atlanta, GA A. G. Lutz, Maitland **Mr. and Mrs. Charles P. Lykes, Tampa Patrick W. McGrady, Knoxville, TN Herbert G. McKay, Tampa *Mrs. Marie V. McMullen, Miami Alvin J. Marrow, Sebring *Maria E. Martinez. Hialeah Richard Ira Matthews, Riverview James H. Mayfield, Lady Lake Barbara F. Mitchell, Gainesville Edith Mullins, Fort Pierce **Mr. and Mrs. David Murphey, III, Tampa Linda P. Myers, Sarasota **Colonel and Mrs. D. A. Neck, Fort Mason, CA **Mr. and Mrs. Stuart North, Leesburg **Mr. and Mrs. R. E. Olds, Inverness Yetive B. Olson, Tampa **Mr. and Mrs. Frank E. Palmer, Fort Pierce Mr. R. C. Partridge, Mount Dora **Dr. and Mrs. Anthony J. Pizza, Tampa **Mr. and Mrs. Hans Ploch, Miami Beach Brian S. Polley, Tallahassee Charlotte Porter, Gainesville Helen C. Price, Tampa James F. Pruett, Rockledge *Catherine Puckett, Archer **Mr. and Mrs. Douglas S. Putnam, Fort Pierce ***George P. Putnam, Boynton Beach Samuel J. Rampello, Temple Terrace Annie H. Raulerson, Okeechobee Alberta C. Rawchuck, Fort Myers **Mr. and Mrs. D. Lawrence Rayburn, Plant City **Mr. and Mrs. Richard W. Reed, Fort Pierce **Mr. and Mrs. Roger E. Reilly, Tampa **Mr. and Mrs. J. David Richeson, Fort Pierce Mrs. Amelia Rickerson, Fort Pierce *Sherry Robles, Tampa Michael Ryan, Naples J. Whitcomb Rylee, Sarasota Marion V. Sabatine, Seminole *Milly V. Saint Julien, Clearwater Sarasota Nuclear Lab, Sarasota Martha F. Sawyer, Lakeland Ralph Shear, Greensboro, NC **Mr. and Mrs. James H. Sheehan, Fort Pierce Bruce Sherwood, Sebring Bertha M. Short, Clearwater Thelma M. Shultz, Lutz T. L. Sloan, Fort Pierce *Frank L. Snyder, Dunedin **Mr. and Mrs. David Souza, Fort Pierce **Mr. and Mrs. A. E. Sparr, Lake Wales **Mr. and Mrs. Robert M. Stockton, Balm Mrs. J. E. Stoneburg, Fort Pierce J. R. "Bob" Stripling, Boynton Beach Mike Sunders, Clearwater Mrs. Paul Sykes, Ocala *Michael D. Tegeder, Orlando Stephen D. Tutko, Fort Myers Anne D. Tuttle, Tampa Mrs. S. P. VanLandingham, Fort Pierce Arthur E. P. Wall, Titusville Genia P. Ward, Tampa George W. Watters, Orange Park Lois H. Wescott, Ormond Beach **Mr. and Mrs. Edward R. Whatley, Largo **Mr. and Mrs. Bill White, Tampa **Mr. and Mrs. David G. Willbur, Fort Pierce Harrison, Dietz & Getzen, Sarasota **Mr. and Mrs. Frank Williamson, Okeechobee Woodrow Wilson, Woodbridge, VA John B. Wolf, Jupiter **Mr. and Mrs. E. Clayton Yates, St. Petersburg E. J. Youkers, Tampa

Libraries:

Art Institute of Fort Lauderdale Broward County Library, Fort Lauderdale Miccosukee Community' Library, Miami Oakcrest Elementarv School, Ocala Okeechobee County Library Palm Beach Junior College, Lake Worth Polk County Historical Library, Bartow St. Joseph's University Library, Philadelphia, PA University of Idaho, Moscow, ID

Historical Societies:

Baker County Historial Society, MacClenney Black Archives, History and Research Foundation of South Florida, Miami Bureau of Historic Preservation, Tallahassee Dade Heritage Trust, Inc., Miami Flagler County Historical Society, Bunnell Florida Folklife Program, White Springs Gulfport Historical Society Historic Tampa/Hillsborough County Preservation Board Osceola County Historical Society, Kissimmee

*Student Membership **Family Membership ***Contributing Membership TREASURER'S REPORT January 1, 1984-December 31, 1984

Net Worth, December 3 1, 1984 ........................................................ $98,183.44 Current Assets: University State Bank (Tampa, FHS checking) ..................... 4,431.10 University State Bank (Florida Historical Confederation checking) ............................................................................. 1,695.75 First Federal Savings & Loan Assn. (Gainesville) .................. 1,215.81 Fortune Federal Savings & Loan (Thompson Fund, Gainesville) ......................................................................... 4,442.43 Glendale Federal Savings & Loan. Tampa (formerly Tampa Federal Savings & Loan) ....................................... 4,486.97 Fortune Federal Savings & Loan Yonge Publication Fund (Gainesville) ........................................................................ 509.06 University State Bank (Tampa) .............................................. 2,945.83 Freedom Federal Savings & Loan (Tampa) ........................... 9,007.49 E. F. Hutton ............................................................................. 69,323.00 Middle South Utilities (I 26 shares) ........................................ 126.00 Total Assets .............................................................................. 98,183.44 Receipts: Memberships: Annual ...................................................................................... 10,030.00 Family ....................................................................................... 2,880.00 Contribution ............................................................................ 700.00 Library ...................................................................................... 5,822.30 Historical Societies ................................................................... 1,005.00 Student ..................................................................................... 240.00 Florida Historical Confederation (Annual) ............................ 590.00 Contributions: Transfer ................................................................................... 1,080.00 Other Receipts: Quarterly Sales .......................................................................... 323.43 Index ........................................................................................ 52.50 Duplicating ............................................................................... 134.15 Labels ....................................................................................... 205.00 Photographs ............................................................................. 24.10 Microfilm .................................................................................. 202.50 Internal Income: First Federal ............................................................................. 65.05 Fortune Federal ....................................................................... 237.75 Glendale Federal ..................................................................... 252.37 Fortune Federal ....................................................................... 20.37 University State Bank .............................................................. 157.78 Freedom Federal ..................................................................... 483.28 Dividends Income: E. F. Hutton ............................................................................. 6,406.00 Middle South Utilities ............................................................. 15.48 Annual Meeting: Expenses ................................................................................... -195.47 Total Receipts ............................................................................... 30,731.59 Disbursements: Florida Historical Quarterly Printing and Mailing ............................................................... Mailer Labels and Envelopes .................................................. Post Office Box Rental ............................................................ Copyright ......... ........................................................................ Editor ....................................................................................... University of Florida Teaching Resources Center (photographs) ...................................................................... Annual Meeting: Expenses .................................................................................... Arthur W. Thompson Memorial Prize ................................... Rembert W. Patrick Memorial Prize ....................................... Charlton W. Tebeau Junior Award ........................................ Other Expenses: Florida Historical Society Newsletter ............................................ Postage ..................................................................................... Telephone ................................................................................ Duplicating and labels ............................................................. Educational Resources ............................................................. Supplies .................................................................................... Travel ....................................................................................... Insurance ................................................................................. C.P.A. (preparing income tax) ................................................ Taxes ........................................................................................ History Fair .............................................................................. Florida Historical Confederation Administrative .................. Books ........................................................................................ Florida Historical Society Bank charges ................................. Florida Historical Confederation Bank charges .................... December Board Meeting ....................................................... Stationary ................................................................................. Petty Cash ................................................................................

14,842.65 391.63 26.00 110.00 1,000.00 150.00 150.00 150.00

1,741.18 1,444.79 252.22 657.66 120.93 1,268.00 268.32 100.00 75.00 10.00 1,790.00 39.52 37.63 .37 4.52 59.38 140.34 20.00

Total Disbursements ..................................................................... 24,850.14 Net income ......................................................................................... 5,991.45 Balance, December 31, 1984 ............................................................. 98,183.44 GREAT EXPECTATIONS. 1985 Nov. 4-8 Sunbelt Conference Miami, FL Nov. 8-9 Florida State Tampa, FL Genealogical Society Nov. 12-15 Southern Historical Houston, TX Association Nov. 15-16 Florida Museums Maitland, FL Association Dec. 26-29 American Historical New York, NY Association 1986 Mar. 6-8 Gulf Coast History Pensacola, FL and Humanities Conference Mar. 6-8 Florida College Teachers Jacksonville, FL of History Apr. 9-12 Organization of New York, NY American Historians Apr. 10-12 Florida Anthropological Gainesville, FL Society and Florida Academy of Science Apr. 30 Society of Florida Bradenton, FL Archivists May 1 Florida Historical Bradenton, FL Confederation May 1-3 FLORIDA Bradenton, FL HISTORICAL SOCIETY-84th MEETING A GIFT OF HISTORY

A MEMBERSHIP IN THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY IS AN EXCELLENT GIFT IDEA FOR BIRTHDAYS, GRADUATION, OR FOR ANYONE INTERESTED IN THE RICH AND COLORFUL STORY OF FLORIDA`S PAST.

A one-year membership costs only $20.00, and it includes four issues of the Florida Historical Quarterly, the Florida History Newsletter, as well as all other privileges of membership. A personal letter from the Executive Director of the Society will notify the recipient of your gift of your generosity and consideration. Convey your respect for that special person's dignity and uniqueness. What better way to express your faith in the lessons of the past and to celebrate old friendships?

Send to: Florida Historical Society University of South Florida Library Tampa, Florida 33620

Please send as a special gift: q Annual membership-$20.00 q Family membership-$25.00 q Library membership-$25.00 q Contributing membership-$50 and above q Student membership-$15.00 q Check or money order enclosed q Cash enclosed TO FROM THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF FLORIDA, 1856 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY, successor, 1902 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY, incorporated, 1905

OFFICERS RANDY F. NIMNICHT, president LUCIUS F. ELLSWORTH, president-elect PAUL S. GEORGE, vice-president LINDA K. WILLIAMS, recording secretary GARY R. MORMINO, executive director SAMUEL PROCTOR, editor, The Quarterly DIRECTORS J. EARLE BOWDEN OWEN NORTH Pensacola Clearwater RICHARD BROOKE, JR. GEORGE F. PEARCE Jacksonville Pensacola GREGORY BUSH OLIVE D. PETERSON, ex-officio Miami Fort Pierce DAVID COLBURN LARRY E. RIVERS Gainesville Tallahassee ALVA L. JONES DANIEL L. SCHAFER Clearwater Jacksonville WRIGHT LANGLEY MICHAEL SLICKER Key West St. Petersburg MARY C. LINEHAN WILLIAM M. STRAIGHT Lantana Miami RAYMOND A. MOHL KYLE S. VANLANDINGHAM Boca Raton Okeechobee PATRICIA WICKMAN, ex-officio Tallahassee

The Florida Historical Society supplies the Quarterly to its members. Annual membership is $20.00; family membership is $25.00; library membership is $25.00; a contributing membership is $50.00 and above. In addition, a student membership is $15.00, but proof of current status must be furnished.

All correspondence relating to membership and subscriptions should be addressed to Dr. Gary R. Mormino, Executive Director, Florida Historical Society, University of South Florida Library, Tampa, FL 33620. Inquiries concerning back numbers of the Quarterly should also be directed to Dr. Mormino.